No abstract

This paper examines the clinical effects of racism on its targets and, in particular, on its agents, the individuals who, wittingly or not, partake of the culture of racial privilege. It proposes a paradigm shift in regard to the clinical study of racism, and presents a structural model of racism, analogous to addiction as a disease, which holds that racism has an etiology and a clinical taxonomy that lends itself to differential diagnosis and treatment of those who manifest symptoms.

A s things go, it has taken several decades to loosen our social science frameworks from race biases and cultural myopia so that we can study differences between groups as opposed to deficiencies of disadvantaged groups (Sue, 1988). And presuming, for the moment, that we now have nailed down a more responsible position of social accountability, we are left with a number of problems related to theory construction and development. Bringing clarity to questions of race seems uniquely hampered by the fact that we assume an objectivity that says that social processes are amenable to the same physical laws and principals as are characteristic of the biological or physical sciences. Yet, some of our major social theories are little more than metaphors borrowed from the physical sciences (Kaye, 1985). Said differently, our methods of inquiry in social science are still developing, and many of our theories yield poor or limited results because we use inappropriate theory building techniques.Hendi (1976) contended that the social sciences have underutilized taxonomic (observational) approaches for conceptualizing relational patterns and paradigms. This discussion uses his assertion to examine utility and precision among terms (lexicon) used in race relations and cultural studies. In this article it is shown that much of our basic terminology needs to be modified in contextual meaning or preferably not used at all.

The number and variety of teaching methods are virtually endless and, given technological advances, ever increasing. As an exercise, we eight authors were able to generate a list of over 90 different methods from memory, but there are certainly many more. Given the large number, instructors are faced with the challenge of finding the most effective teaching strategy for their purposes. The need for a comprehensive, empirically based process to guide the selection and implementation of teaching strategies is clear. The purpose of this chapter is to describe such a process. In the first part of this chapter, we introduce a model of teaching that can guide the selection and implementation process. In the second part, we provide a set of examples of how the model can be used to accomplish learning goals.

Management and supervision are included within a single competency area because they share many characteristics in common. In psychological applications, "management consists of those activities that direct, organize, or control the services of psychologists and others offered or rendered to the public. . . . Supervision is a form of management blended with teaching in the context of relationship directed to the enhancement of competence in the supervisee" (McHolland, chap. 21, p. 165). In supervision, the focus is on individuals or on small units.Often management and supervision are used interchangeably. Although the two terms are closely related, we use them with differing emphases. Management, a broader concept than supervision, involves more activities, particularly resource development. The control in supervision is often more detailed, direct, explicit, and individualized than the control in management. One manages an organization, whereas one supervises a person.