This article examines the eff ects of racialized name-calling on a group of twelve visible minority refugee youth from Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada. Through one-on-one in-depth interviews, the author discusses their experiences in order to better understand how this important group of  adolescents conceptualizes, constructs, and copes with racism while living in a highly homogeneous white Canadian city. The author concludes by noting that these experiences are having a negative effect on their social integration and that increased efforts by teachers and administrators are needed to help combat peer racism in this predominantly white city.

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Despite the growing interest in microaggression theory (Sue et al. 2007), little research has been conducted on it through a sociological lens. In fact, the psychological research that does exist has been from the United States (Constantine 2007;Mercer et al. 2011;Ong et al. 2013;Sue et al. 2008) and Canada (Hernandez 2010; Houshmand 2014), focusing primarily on minorities. One area that remains unexplored is white observations of racism. This is especially relevant given that Sue et al. (2007) contend that it is those who are most disempowered rather than those who enjoy the privileges of power who are likely to accurately assess whether a racist act has occurred. With this view in mind, this article utilizes racial microaggression theory to investigate the observations of racism among a cohort of approximately 170 white freshman (i.e., first-year) university students in St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada. As this research is Canadian based, it presents an excellent opportunity to advance racial microaggression theory from an international perspective. The goal of this article then is to categorize white youths' observations of microaggressions in order to discuss and analyze their impact on minorities living in a highly homogeneous, white-dominated space.

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Ethnicity is very much at the core of the individual and has been known to constitute the basis of nationalisms. Loosely speaking, an ethnic group refers to those who identify with one another through a number of shared characteristics (e.g. culture, language, or religion). Based on this, scholars would agree that most Quebeckers meet the criteria – but what about Newfoundlanders? Does calling oneself a ‘Newfoundlander’ invoke a specific set of linguistic or cultural features that are held to be common? Are Newfoundlanders an ethnic group? If a ‘Newfoundland ethnicity’ exists, could a ‘Newfoundland ethnic identity’ lead to a post‐Confederation Newfoundland nationalism? In order to address these questions, I use a modified version of what Anthony D. Smith (1986) says constitutes the core of national identity, the ethnie, and, to place the analysis in context, I briefly discuss nationalism and ethnicity. Following this, I provide an overview of the origins of a Newfoundland ethnogenesis, a review of key post‐Confederation Newfoundland ‘nationalist’ events, as well as an analysis of each aspect of ethnie from a Newfoundland perspective. The article concludes by arguing that while Newfoundlanders can be considered a distinct ethnic group, the likelihood of a post‐Confederation Newfoundland nationalism emerging is low.

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