Tous droits réservés © Département des relations industrielles de l'Université Laval, 2000Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit.Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Résumé de l'article Nous cherchons, dans la présente revue de la littérature, à analyser de façon critique et à synthétiser les écrits sur le travail atypique dans ses dimensions de genre, de race et de classe sociale. En plus de la littérature, nous incorporons à notre analyse notre expérience et nos connaissances accumulées par la recherche sur le sujet. Il est important et crucial de comprendre les dimensions de genre, race et classe sociale du travail atypique et leurs interrelations pour élaborer des politiques publiques appropriées. Après avoir défini le travail atypique et l'interrelation des facteurs de genre, race et classe, nous présentons notre discussion dans un cadre conceptuel de dualité à l'intérieur duquel nous situons les différentes formes du travail atypique. Nous entendons par dualité la division de la main-d'oeuvre entre les travailleurs principaux et les travailleurs périphériques, division qui se reflète dans des marchés du travail différents selon le sexe, la race et les classes. Dans une telle hiérarchie, le travail féminin, surtout celui des femmes des minorités raciales et des femmes économiquement défavorisées, en est venu à prédominer dans les emplois atypiques les plus périphériques et précaires.Nous poursuivons notre revue critique de la littérature par une discussion sur le fait que la création d'emplois atypiques est surtout initiée par les employeurs. Le travail atypique est créé dans un marché du travail, dominé par un système de valeurs masculines, qui est fondamentalement construit et stratifié selon le genre, la race et les classes. Nous examinons le rôle que pourraient jouer les syndicats dans l'atteinte de l'équité sur les marchés du travail. Nous concluons en recommandant des changements dans les politiques publiques en matière de travail pour répondre aux besoins des travailleurs, surtout les femmes des minorités raciales et celles économiquement défavorisées qui occupent ces emplois atypiques.Il n'y a pas de définition claire du travail atypique. Ici, nous le définissons à l'intérieur des grandes catégories de travail : temporaire, à temps partiel et à domicile. Nous nous concentrons sur le sexe, la race et la classe comme étant interreliés et se renforçant mutuellement.L'accroissement du travail à temps partiel durant les années 1980 a amené plusieurs chercheurs à conclure à l'existence d'une structure dichotomique d'emploi selon laquelle les travailleurs à ...

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) comprises different practices involving cutting, pricking, removing and sometimes sewing up external female genitalia for non-medical reasons. The practice of FGM/C is highly concentrated in a band of African countries from the Atlantic coast to the Horn of Africa, in areas of the Middle East such as Iraq and Yemen, and in some countries in Asia like Indonesia. Girls exposed to FGM/C are at risk of immediate physical consequences such as severe pain, bleeding, and shock, difficulty in passing urine and faeces, and sepsis. Long-term consequences can include chronic pain and infections. FGM/C is a deeply entrenched social norm, perpetrated by families for a variety of reasons, but the results are harmful. FGM/C is a human rights issue that affects girls and women worldwide. The practice is decreasing, due to intensive advocacy activities of international, national, and grassroots agencies. An adolescent girl today is about a third less likely to be cut than 30 years ago. However, the rates of abandonment are not high enough, and change is not happening as rapidly as necessary. Multiple interventions have been implemented, but the evidence base on what works is lacking. We in reproductive health must work harder to find strategies to help communities and families abandon these harmful practices.

Background: Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) is a cultural practice associated with health consequences, women rights and deprivation of dignity. Despite FGM/C-related health consequences, circumcised women may encounter additional challenges while seeking interventions for reproductive health problems. Experiences of women/girls while accessing health services for reproductive health problems including FGM/C-related complications in poor, remote and hard to reach areas is poorly understood. We sought to explore barriers to care seeking among Somali women with complications related to FGM/C in public health facilities in Kenya. Methods: We drew on qualitative data collected from purposively selected women aged 15-49 years living with FGM/C, their partners, community leaders, and health providers in Nairobi and Garissa Counties. Data were collected using in-depth interviews (n = 10), key informant interviews (n = 23) and 20 focus group discussions. Data were transcribed and analyzed thematically using NVivo version 12.Results: Barriers were grouped into four thematic categories. Structural barriers to care-seeking, notably high cost of care, distance from health facilities, and lack of a referral system. Concerns regarding perceived quality of care also presented a barrier. Women questioned health professionals' and health facilities' capacity to offer culturallysensitive FGM/C-specific care, plus ensuring confidentiality and privacy. Women faced socio-cultural barriers while seeking care particularly cultural taboos against discussing matters related to sexual health with male clinicians. Additionally, fear of legal sanctions given the anti-FGM/C law deterred women with FGM/C-related complications from seeking healthcare. Conclusion: Structural, socio-cultural, quality of service, and legal factors limit health seeking for reproductive health problems including FGM/C-related complications. Strengthening health system should consider integration of FGM/C-related interventions with existing maternal child health services for cost effectiveness, efficiency and quality care. The interventions should address health-related financial, physical and communication barriers, while ensuring culturally-sensitive and confidential care.

Although female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) has declined, it is pervasive albeit changing form among communities in Kenya. Transformation of FGM/C include medicalization although poorly understood has increased undermining abandonment efforts for the practice. We sought to understand drivers of medicalization in FGM/C among selected Kenyan communities. A qualitative study involving participants from Abagusii, Somali and Kuria communities and key informants with health care providers from four Kenyan counties was conducted. Data were collected using in-depth interviews (n = 54), key informant interviews (n = 56) and 45 focus group discussions. Data were transcribed and analyzed thematically using NVivo version 12. We found families practiced FGM/C for reasons including conformity to culture/tradition, religion, marriageability, fear of negative sanctions, and rite of passage. Medicalized FGM/C was only reported by participants from the Abagusii and Somali communities. Few Kuria participants shared that medicalized FGM/C was against their culture and would attract sanctions. Medicalized FGM/C was perceived to have few health complications, shorter healing, and enables families to hide from law. To avoid arrest or sanctions, medicalized FGM/C was performed at home/private clinics. Desire to mitigate health complications and income were cited as reasons for health providers performing of FGM/C. Medicalization was believed to perpetuate the practice as it was perceived as modernized FGM/C. FGM/C remains pervasive in the studied Kenyan communities albeit changed form and context. Findings suggest medicalization sustain FGM/C by allowing families and health providers to conform to social norms underpinning FGM/C while addressing risks of FGM/C complications and legal prohibitions. This underscores the need for more nuanced approaches targeting health providers, families and communities to promote abandonment of FGM/C while addressing medicalization.

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CARE International is one of the largest relief and development agencies in the world, working with poor and vulnerable people in underserved areas in more than 60 countries in a variety of sectors, including agriculture, income generation, water and sanitation, basic education and girls' education, and health. In 2000, CARE joined with the international development community to work towards achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, now understood to be critical for sustainable reductions in poverty. This helped concretize a fundamental reorientation of CARE's work that had begun in the late 1990s, of shifting from a needs-based to a rights-based approach (RBA) to programming. This reorientation was made in the belief that using a basic human rights framework to work with communities and other actors would address-both more systematically and more systemically-the matrix of underlying causes of poverty; this would, in turn, empower people and communities to action and sustainable improvements

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