This article presents the profile of Stanisław Stroński – a well-known member of several terms of the Inter-War Sejm and press publisher (he perfectly combined these two professions, as his journalistic texts echoed the work of a parliamentarian), and Professor of Romance Studies at Jagiellonian University. S. Stroński became known as a colourful and influential figure. He belonged to a group of right-wing leaders and was a leading political opponent of Józef Piłsudski. He took part in the most important debates of his time. He was an activist of the Christian National Party [pol. Stronnictwo Chrześcijańsko-Narodowe], and later of the National Party [pol. Stronnictwo Narodowe]. His numerous sayings (remarks) and the way he conducted parliamentary debates went down in the history of Polish parliamentarism. He was able to argue with his political opponents while delivering a speech without losing the thread. He often used wit, irony and proverbs, and made use of his excellent knowledge of the French language and culture. S. Stroński went down in the history of Polish parliamentarism as an original and uncommon figure.
Biographers usually focus on the analysis of a person’s life fortunes. According to recognised sociologists, philosophers and scientists – experts on history psychology, rarely do they analyse a selected aspect of interpersonal relations based on available historical resources. What was the essence of the bond between Piłsudski and his close companions? What was characteristic for those relations and what were their determining aspects in various periods of Piłsudski’s activity? Those are the questions that are being answered in this article. The author undertakes to reconstruct the evolution of relations between Józef Piłsudski and his companions based on numerous memoirs by his associates. His assets in competition for the leadership position, his features of character and even physical appearance are being analyzed. Objective factors, like war success, which helped him reach for authoritarian rules in Poland are pointed out. Some important questions are being answered: Who were the people that recognized his authority? Who was able to oppose him? A strong sense of historic mission to rebuild the country within Piłsudski’s circle, originating from common values shaped by national culture, has been pointed out. It is characteristic that despite the changes Piłsudski’s relations underwent, they consistently preserved the commanding character between the leader and his agents. These were formed by numerous factors, but undoubtedly the strong will of Piłsudski remained crucial. He was extremely successful in consistent building relations based on his own authority, which still resonates among his countrymen.
Polish press in the period 1988–1991 was naturally interested in the aspirations of Lithuania to gain the independence. It was one of the Soviet republic that had common borders with Poland. The independence of Lithuanians led the chance of economic and political co-operation between this two countries, but also could create many problems like ethnic conflicts. The interest was far greater. The similar transformation that Lithuania had been going trough, at the same time took place in Poland. In the period when Lithuania developed the independence movement, the Polish media also experienced many changes. That’s why their attitude towards the events in the Soviet Union and Lithuania was changing in this course of time. At the time of communism, Polish press supported the ambition to cultural and historical rising in various Soviet Republics. Journalists didn’t see in that any opportunity for independence of the republics but the threat of destabilization of the Soviet Union. The USSR was seen by Polish press as monolith and its individual republics as an integral part. It was similar to the official policy of polish and soviet authorities. With the fall of communism in Poland many papers fully independent from authorities were formed and journalists started to support the aspirations of Lithuania to independence. Since that time their interest in events in Lithuania has raised. It happened also because the Lithuanians had more courage to raise the independence slogans. These issues were in the sphere of Polish publicists interest also because of their involvement in building democracy in Poland. Journalists in Poland reported and comment the facts with the great concern: declaration of independence, situation after economic lockout and the Soviet intervention in this republic. At that time publicists fully supported the Lithuanians and criticized soviet policies towards the Republic of Lithuania. But their opinion about leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, was ambiguous. They understood his role in the annihilation of a totalitarian communism in the Soviet Union. Among Polish journalists the most popular was the point o view that the independence of Lithuania is possible only through dialogue and cooperation with Moscow. Poland had afraid the power of the Soviet Union until its collapse.
<p>Artykuł zwraca uwagę czytelników na wartościowe źródła historyczne, którymi są wspomnienia kapelanów Legionów Polskich z lat 1914–1918. Opieka duszpasterska w wymienionych formacjach zbrojnych i rozliczne problemy z nią związane została ukazana w ich świetle. Na froncie (często w ekstremalnych warunkach bojowych) ukształtowała się silna więź między żołnierzami i ich ‘opiekunami duchowymi’. Kapelani bywali nie tylko duszpasterzami, ale także pełnili doraźnie w miarę potrzeby inne rozliczne funkcje – dla przykładu: tłumaczy, zaopatrzeniowców, sanitariuszy, bibliotekarzy, nauczycieli, psychologów, a w ostateczności także grabarzy... Wspomnienia z ich służby rzucają interesujące światło na codzienne (nie tylko duchowe) problemy żołnierzy tamtych czasów.</p>
W oparciu o materiały archiwalne, głównie z Instytutu Józefa Piłsudskiego w Ameryce, artykuł przedstawia sylwetkę Henryka Juliusza Floyara-Rajchmana. Polski minister przemysłu i handlu w latach 1934–1935, pochodzenia żydowskiego, podczas wojny i później na uchodźstwie odegrał istotną rolę. Najpierw ratował złoto Banku Polskiego i Fundusz Obrony Narodowej dla dalszej walki u boku aliantów. Następnie współtworzył liczące się środowisko polityczne piłsudczyków w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Do śmierci pozostał „nieugiętym niepodległościowcem” strzegącym praw i granic II Rzeczypospolitej, w której miał honor być ministrem.
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