devoted to its distribution in regard to both syntactic relations and word class of the noun phrases it marks as specific. Finally, Section 4 summarizes the results of the study. Reference and SPECIFICITYIn his influential article "On Referring" Strawson (1950Strawson ( /1993) defines 'referring' as "a characteristic of a use of an expression, just as 'being about' something, and truth-or-falsity, are characteristics of a use of a sentence" [emphasis in original], and establishes a difference between referring on the one hand and meaning ("function of the use of an expression") on the other. By asserting that "We do not, and we cannot, while referring, attain the point of complete explicitness at which the referring function is no longer performed. [but rather] The actual unique reference made, if any, is a matter of the particular use in the particular context; the significance of the expression used is the set of rules or conventions which permit such references to be made", Strawson (1993: 70) points at an essential characteristic of reference, namely its being contextdependent; in this sense reference comes to border on deixis; hence his contextual requirement for referring, "that the thing should be in a certain relation to the speaker and to the context of utterance" (1993: 72). Lyons maintains the principle of context-dependency of reference, "The term 'reference'... has to do with the relationship which holds between an expression and what that expression stands for on particular occasions of its utterance" (Lyons 1977: 174); and distinguishes between singular and general referring expressions, where the former refer to individuals, while the latter refer to classes thereof. In addition to these two types, Lyons distinguishes between definite expressions, those referring to a specific individual, and indefinite expressions, those which do not refer to a specific individual or class. Of these four types of reference, singular definite is regarded as basic (it comprises three kinds of expressions, definite noun phrases, proper names, and personal pronouns.) Within the realm of definite reference, Lyons includes non-referring definite noun phrases, expressions that despite being definite do not identify particular, specific entities. More directly related to our concern in this paper, is the opposition between specific and non-specific indefinite reference. Lyons' point of departure is the distinction between non-definite (any noun phrase which is not definite) and indefinite (an indefinite pronoun or a noun phrase introduced by an indefinite article) noun phrases. Indefinite phrases can be used specifically or non-specifically; Lyons (1977: 188) remarks in this respect that "very often... we cannot tell whether an indefinite noun-phrase is being used with specific reference or not"; he points as well to the fact that languages that have definite and/or indefinite articles vary in the way that they make use of them. Indefinite pronouns and noun phrases introduced by indefinite adjectives (e.g. English some...
This paper offers a hitherto non-existent description and Classification of the various types of ergativity found in the Chibchan languages, a stock of 16 languages spoken from Northeastern Honduras, through the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, most of Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia, and the North of Ecuador and West of Venezuela. Three types are identified: a. Mayan-style ergativity, b. discourse-run ergativity, and c. intra-clausal ergativity Special attention is given to b., where (intermittent) marking of an NP as ergative depends not so much on graramatical relations but on discourse saliency and topic continuity ' All three types are, of course, intra-clausal in that the coding of ergativity involves morphosyntactic mechanisms within the clause (word order, cross-referencing, direct marking). The "labels" used in this paper do not neglect that fact; they are simply used to highlight the major aspects characterizing each type.
La población indígena costarricense asciende a 63,876 personas distribuidas en ocho pueblos indígenas: huetar, maleku, chorotega, bribri, cabécar, brunka guaymi y teribe. En este artículo se presenta su distribución étnica y territorial, sus orígenes e historias, la filiación genética de sus lenguas y su estado actual. También se señalan las instituciones y las investigaciones y programas cuyos esfuerzos están encaminados a la revitalización de sus lenguas y la reivindicación de sus derechos étnicos. 1. INDIGENAS DE COSTA RICA-HISTORIA 2. ETNICIDADINVESTIGACIONES- COSTA RICA 3. CULTURAS INDIGENAS-COSTA RICA DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/wani.v62i0.856 Wani No.62 2010 pp.19-24 Naiwa pyuwara Costa Rica ra patitara uplika kyamka nani yapti bila aisanka nani ba Naiwa pyuwa ra Costa Rica ra patitara uplika kyamka nani ba 63,876 upla nani barasa, baha nani sut ba kyamka satka 8 nani ra asla takisa, nina nani ba: huetar, maleku, chorotega, bribri, cabécar, brunka guaymi bara teribi. Naha ulbanka ra tanka marikisa baha nani sat ka kumi bani kyamka mapla bara tasbaya piarkika trabilka nani dukiara; baku sin witinka nani ginisis ka, blasi ka sturka, yaptika bila nani pana pana wilkanka tanka bamna naiwa yuwa kat ai iwan ka nani nahki briba tanka sim. Baku sin naha ulbanka ra tanka marikisa baha uplika yaptika bila nani tiwi auya ba kli raki bukaia bara ai raitka laka alkaia aiklabanka bri nani ba ta baikaia lainkara wark nani dauki aula ba sim.Costa Rica sauni yak warmanimanikatindiantuniyulwabalna Costa Rica sauni kidi indian sulani63,876 muih pa binina sat sat kau yalalahwi: huetar, maleku, chorotega, bribri, cabécar, brunka guaymi y teribe. Adika wauhnitaya akat laih sulani dawak sauni kau sahyakwi nining kawi, angkaupak kalahna dawak yulni bayakna balna bik, tuni yulwa kidi angdika kal uduhna kaupak kidi dawak warmani kat yalalahwa pani balna bik. Kaput bik adika yak yulwi Apis, walwi talna dawak prukrama balna tuni yulwa dawak sulani kapat ramhni balna yak parasniawinininglalauwakidibik.
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