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The aim of the paper is to describe the situation for legal recognition of Indigenous Peoples' rights by the state among the different countries of Southeast Asia. In order to do this, an index called IREDLI and based on Van Cott's multicultural model has been built and then applied to different territorial units of Southeast Asia. This new index analyzes three sets of rights: right to land, cultural rights and political rights. Through analyzing constitutions, secondary legislation and ratifications of international agreements, it has been possible to identify different patterns of recognition of Indigenous Peoples' rights in Southeast Asia distinct from those found in Latin America and to distinguish between sets of countries that do and do not recognize Indigenous Peoples' rights. Moreover, the IRELDI index has proven to be a useful methodological tool to compare different realities at the macro level while establishing finer gradations between different types of rights.

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Prior research on individual-level drivers of protest has primarily focused on legal protest. However, less is known about what makes people engage in unlawful protest activities. Building upon previous literature on the collective action dilemma, socialization on violent and high-risk social movements, and political psychology, we expect that illegal protest frequency varies at different levels of authoritarianism. We explore the relationship between authoritarian values and illegal protest by analyzing a two-wave panel survey data gathered in the US. The results of cross-sectional, lagged, and autoregressive ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models show that when controlling for legal protest and other relevant variables in protest behavior, authoritarianism predicts illegal protest following an inverted U-shaped relationship. In other words, average levels of authoritarianism predict more frequent engagement in illegal protest, while this frequency decreases as approaching the poles of the authoritarianism scale.

El movimiento de personas indígenas con discapacidad ha optado desde el plano internacional por una estrategia interseccional que busca tender puentes entre el movimiento indígena, el movimiento de personas con discapacidad y los movimientos de mujeres. Este artículo analiza la efectividad de dicha estrategia interseccional a la hora de reducir desigualdades estructurales a nivel internacional, nacional y local. A partir de entrevistas con activistas indígenas con discapacidad de diferentes países y miembros de organizaciones internacionales se ha elaborado un estudio de caso sobre la Red Global de Personas Indígenas con Discapacidad. Los hallazgos muestran que la estrategia interseccional para reducir desigualdades ha resultado ser más útil a nivel internacional que a nivel nacional y comunitario.

Este artículo introduce el volumen monográfico que lleva por título ‘Capital Social en Democracia: Una Perspectiva de la Influencia del Capital Social en Sociedades Diversas’. En primer lugar, este artículo captura brevemente y con una mirada temática amplia, las distintas acepciones y operacionalizaciones de Capital Social, y cómo se ha introducido el constructo a través de diferentes disciplinas. El artículo también explica el devenir del Capital Social dentro del contexto de internet y las redes sociales, así como desgrana nuevos actores y temas en torno a esta materia. Finalmente, se incluye una sección donde se integran los resúmenes de cada uno de los estudios que componen este monográfico.

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