Using the actor–partner interdependence model, we explore how various sources of stress and support experienced by fathers and mothers influence their own parenting styles and the parenting styles of the partner. Data from 227 couples were analyzed, with mothers and fathers rating their parenting stress and marital relationship and children rating the parenting styles of both mothers and fathers. Structural equation models revealed actor effects of parenting stress on demanding and responsive parenting styles, as well as partner effects between positive aspects of marital relationship and responsive parenting style. The results further indicate that the strength of these pathways is similar for both mothers and fathers and do not support the hypothesis that the parenting of fathers is more vulnerable than the parenting of mothers.

(max 250 words)This study examined the impact of depressive symptoms experienced by fathers and mothers on their own (actor effects) and their partner's (partner effects) parenting. We focused on two dimensions of parenting styles -demandingness and responsiveness -as well as on parental monitoring. Based on the Actor-Partner Dependence Model, data from 227 couples with at least one child were analyzed. The results provide evidence for both actor and partner effects, although partner effects were prominent for the dimensions of parenting style, while actor effects prevailed for parental monitoring. The results further reveal gender differences in the actor effects on responsive parenting, while no gender differences were found in the magnitude of the pathways to demandingness and parental monitoring. Our findings demonstrate the need to include both mothers and fathers in parenting studies to enhance our knowledge on the interdependence and mutual influence between parents. They also highlight the importance of investigating various types and styles of parenting. Keywords (max 5 words):Depressive symptoms, parenting, actor, partner Running head:Depressive symptoms and parenting: An APIM approach 3 It is generally accepted that parental depressive symptoms affect parenting, which may subsequently affect child outcomes (Cummings, Keller, & Davies, 2005; Cummings, Merrilees, & George, 2010). In particular, depressive symptoms have been linked to parents' emotional withdrawal from their children, hampered communication, decreased sensitivity to children's needs and increased irritability and hostility toward children (Lovejoy, Graczyk, O'Hare, & Neuman, 2000). Much of the research on parental depressive symptoms and parenting, however, focuses solely on mothers. This is partly due to the greater incidence of depressive symptoms among women (Goodman, 2007;Rehman, Gollan, & Mortimer, 2008), to the notorious difficulty of reaching (and thus studying) fathers (Mitchell et al., 2007), or to the common assumption of the central role of mothers in child development (Phares, Duhig, & Watkins, 2002). At the same time, a vast body of literature supports the idea that the fatherchild relationship can be at least as important as the mother-child relationship. Indeed, fathers are currently more involved in rearing their children than was the case in previous times, and the participation of men and women in childrearing appears gradually to be becoming a common enterprise (Amato, Meyers, & Emery, 2009;Lamb & Lewis, 2010).Although fathers are often overlooked in parenting studies, there is some evidence that paternal depressive symptoms have significant effects on parenting, with depressed fathers showing lower levels of positive and higher levels of negative parenting behaviors (Wilson & Durbin, 2010). Based on a recent meta-analytic review, Wilson and Durbin (2010) estimate that the effect size of the relationship between depressive symptoms and negative parenting behavior is similar in magnitude for both mothers and ...

Studies that aim to compare the utilization of different socio-demographic groups have to take into account that the reporting errors vary by respondents characteristics.

No abstract

When thinking about custodial arrangements after a divorce, there has been a shift from sole custody (mainly by mothers) to joint physical custody after a divorce. In certain countries, joint physical custody has even become the primary, legal custodial arrangement. Joint physical custody, whether implemented in legislation or not, is believed to be in the best interests of the child, as children can shape a postdivorce relationship with both their mother and father. Nevertheless, many studies on joint physical custody focus only on child outcomes. This study aims to investigate (1) whether custodial arrangements matter in addition to the parental divorce for parent–child relationships and (2) whether joint physical custody provides a better framework for parent–child relationships than sole custody arrangements. The study adds to the existing literature by including both the mother–child relationship and the father–child relationship. Moreover, joint physical custody is not only compared to sole maternal custody, but also to sole paternal custody. Using a dyadic subsample of Belgian parents and children from the Divorce in Flanders data set ( N = 623), we compare two indicators of the parent–child relationship (parent–child communication and parenting) for children with married parents, with children in joint physical custody, sole maternal custody, and sole paternal custody. The results indicate that (1) the custodial arrangements after divorce affect parent–child relationships, in addition to the divorce, with regard to both open and problematic father–child communications and the support and control of children by mothers and fathers; and (2) joint physical custody, compared with sole custody (either by the mother or father), provides a better framework to shape a postdivorce parent–child relationship with both parents in terms of open communications and support.