While movement of pseudo-incorporated arguments seems to be restricted generally, there is considerable variation across languages to what extend dislocation can take place. Whereas Turkish, German, and Hindi have been shown to allow for certain movement operations, pseudo-incorporated objects in Tamil for example are argued to require surface adjacency with the verb. This paper provides new evidence against surface adjacency in Tamil. More importantly, the study points out a striking parallel between movement of pseudo-incorporated objects and the respective VP-movement patterns within Tamil, Mongolian, Turkish, and German. Pseudo-incorporated objects are argued to constitute partially verbal categories, which explains the movement patterns, along with two other trademark properties of pseudo-incorporationlack of case marking and scope inertness.
The final diagnostic discussed in this book is movement, which is the focus of this chapter. It will be shown that restrictions to the movement capacity of pseudo-incorporated arguments are by no means uniform across languages. Whereas Mongolian and Tamil display complete immobility of PNI-ed arguments, Korean allows for clause-internal but not long scrambling. Turkish allows for short, intermediate, and long scrambling. Identical observations hold for VP-movement in the languages, respectively. The parallelism of PNI and VP movement can be most clearly shown with German, a language which, although not allowing case drop, has been argued to pseudo-incorporate bare plurals and non-specific indefinites. PNI-ed arguments do not scramble, yet they can undergo topicalization - the identical movement patterns are observed for VPs in German. The account is implemented within phase theory, where scrambling and topicalization is triggered by category sensitive probe features.
This chapter is concerned with the most prominently discussed property for pseudo-incorporated arguments -absence of case morphology. Lack of case marking is also a primary diagnostic of differential object marking. Whereas the PNI literature focuses on a correlation of case drop with scope inertness, DOM-languages often display a correlation of case drop with animacy and/or specificity restrictions. The primary aim of this chapter is to develop a clear distinction between PNI and DOM effects. As will be shown, languages select different classes of noun types which can either be pseudo-incorporated or DOM-marked. The theory of this book ties case loss due to PNI to the verbal nature of the hybrid PNI determiner, proposed in the previous chapter. This PNI-account can be neatly integrated into existing accounts of post-syntactic DOM-marking. The need to locate case loss in post-syntax stems from the lack of interaction with agreement and grammatical function change.
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