What roles do cities play in knowledge societies? Do places still matter? To what extent are knowledge production processes place-bound and city-specific? This paper examines some dimensions of the multiple relationships between physically experiencing and mentally constructing the city. Primarily, this is a conceptual exercise. Thus, I read part of the literature on cities and creativity through two different conceptual lenses: representational and non-representational theory. The first lens, which I will call the 'right eye', sees the world from the point of view of abstraction and representation. The second lens, which I refer to as the 'left eye', looks at the world from the perspective of the concrete, experience, and dwelling (i.e. non-representation). Both 'eyes' are helpful as theoretical perspectives to analyse the changing role of cities in the knowledge economy. Thus, I argue for a two-eyed, stereoscopic vision of cities in knowledge-based societies.

Research on urban tourism has focused on the search for alternative, authentic, lively, and mundane urban neighbourhoods by visitors. This so‐called new urban tourism is characterised by the increasing quest by tourists for contact with mundane life in ordinary residential quarters. The intrusion of new urban tourism into day‐to‐day life also affects residents' perceptions of visitors, which are prone to become stereotypes and prejudices rather than just perceptions. The paper offers a review of the urban residents' perceptions research literature through the lens of the new urban tourism phenomenon, aligning it with wider geographies of prejudices. Consequently, the paper argues that an understanding of residents' attitudes towards the new urban tourism phenomenon offers a framework through which geographies of prejudices subtly at work in these resident/visitors encounters can be more deeply researched.

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Abstract. This article explores the interplay of inequality, space and age(ing) from an intersectional perspective. It argues, that a spatial research methodology is most fruitful in order to include age(ing) in debates on intersectionality and inequality. Drawing on geographical gerontology and inequality research, we scrutinize the research gap at the intersection of these fields: While age is a neglected factor in intersectional debates on inequality, questions of power are hardly addressed by geographical gerontology. To bridge this research gap, we propose space as methodological perspective. By showing how the negotiation of age(ing) varies in different spatial settings, the article emphasises the value of spatial approaches to analyse the two faces of age(ing) – age as a marker of difference and ageing as a process. On a larger scale, the article points to the potential of a spatial methodology to approach the complexity of intersectionality.

Two of the dominant processes shaping today’s European cities are the ageing and diversification of the population. Given that the range of action usually decreases in later life, the living environment around the place of residence plays an important role in the social integration of the older generation. Hence, spatial patterns of residence indicate the extent of opportunities for the older population to engage in urban life and, therefore, need to be addressed by urban planning and policy. The aim of this article is to study the interrelation between diversity in later life—in terms of migrant history, gender, social class, and age—as well as planned and actual (past) movements of elders. We have chosen Berlin as a case study and draw from a quantitative survey with elders (age 60+) from diverse backgrounds (N = 427). Our results from descriptive analysis and statistical hypothesis tests show that age impacts people’s past and planned movement; we observe a peak in the decisions to move at the age of 65–75 and a drop in the inclination to move among people over 80. None of the other factors is similarly influential, but we observe appreciable tendencies regarding the impact of gender and social class on planned movements. Our study suggests that variables other than classic socio-demographic data, such as apartment size, rent, social networks, and health, and their interrelations may offer a promising starting point for achieving a full picture of older people’s movement behaviour.