This paper examined the topic of Low Vowel Lengthening in Hungarian, which is a term describing the short-long alternation that low vowels show. After an introduction of the vowel system and phonotactics of the language, two main criteria were identified that an analysis of LVL has to satisfy: (i) being able to explain suffixes that do not trigger LVL, yet interact with the stem and (ii) being a close-fitting model for other phenomena related to linking vowels, as well (the need for the latter rose from a functional motivation). From the two possible groups of analyses (lengthening and shortening approaches), it was lengthening that proved to be a more suitable account for the phenomena. Examples of both were given with explanation and evaluation on the two criteria. Finally, the empty-V approach suggested in this paper was also tested against these criteria.
Der Platz von Ungarn innerhalb Europas aus der Sicht von Gymnasiasten Wie sehen zukünftige Bürger Europas den Platz ihres Landes im neuen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Umfeld ? Dieser Artikel schildert und analysiert den Standpunkt von Ungarischen Gymnasiasten in Abiturklassen. Für diese zukünftigen Wähler gehört Ungarn zu West-Mittel-oder Osteuropa geographisch, historisch, politisch, kulturell und vom Standpunkt der Denkarten oder Mentalitäten gesehen… ?
All known natural language determiners are conservative. Psycholinguistic experiments indicate that children exhibit a corresponding learnability bias when faced with the task of learning new determiners. However, recent work indicates that this bias towards conservativity is not observed during the training stage of artificial neural networks. In this work, we investigate whether the learnability bias exhibited by children is in part due to the distribution of quantifiers in natural language. We share results of five experiments, contrasted by the distribution of conservative vs. nonconservative determiners in the training data. We demonstrate that the aquisitional issues with non-conservative quantifiers can not be explained by the distribution of natural language data, which favors conservative quantifiers. This finding indicates that the bias in language acquisition data might be innate or representational.
This paper presents a model that connects phonotactic exceptionality to perceptibility, more specifically to functional load and acoustic detail. I identify two patterns in exceptionality: lexical exceptions and phonotactic vacillation, where the former is restricted to specific lexical items, while the latter affects two contrastive sound categories as a whole. Through the example of Hungarian word-final phonotactics, the Model of Perceptual Categorization associates these two patterns with different functional load and acoustic properties of contrasts, that lead to two categorizational malfunctions. On the one hand, phonotactic vacillation is a result of a frequent failure to categorize ambiguous tokens: low functional load coinciding with little acoustic difference. On the other hand, lexical exceptions are systematic categorizational mistakes brought about by salient categories – in this case distributional generalizations are hindered by interference from mislabeled tokens.
Back tense /u/ is fronting in English in the Northeast US, which results in cue restructuring for the high front lax, back tense contrast (/u--I/). They are no longer distinguished by F2, but the F1 distinction between them is enhanced. In this paper I investigate whether this cue restructuring applies to the phonologically minimally different mid pair /o-E/. I present results from a perception experiment testing to what extent speakers use F1, F2, F3 and duration cues to distinguish between /u--I/ and /o--E/, respectively. Results show that while speakers use the new cues that are available for the /u-I/ contrast, this cue is not useful for the /o-E/, even though these sounds also differ in F1. F3 and duration are not used for either pair. This indicates that cue restructuring stemming from u-fronting does not happen on a featural level, therefore the experiment does not find evidence for a [+/-back] feature. By for a feature in a phonetically natural but phonologically inactive set, this work also contributes to research on mental representations.
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