The purpose of the study is to reveal the main principles and features of the formation of higher representative bodies during the period of restoration of Ukrainian statehood (1917–1920). The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity, scientificity, authorial objectivity, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time the attempts to form higher representative bodies in accordance with democratic principles and on the basis of free, secret voting of citizens, which was supposed to lay the foundation for the formation of suffrage in Ukraine during the period of restoration of an independent state (1917–1920), were investigated. Conclusions. The law "On Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the Ukrainian People's Republic" adopted by it became the most important in view of the strategic tasks of the Central Rada in the field of state building. It was the largest law passed by the Central Rada, 183 articles of which detailed the procedure for organizing and conducting elections. After P. Skoropadsky announced himself as Hetman of all Ukraine, it was promised that a law would be issued in the near future, which was supposed to establish a new procedure for elections to the Ukrainian Parliament. However, such a law was not adopted during the entire period of P. Skoropadskyi's reign. The Law "On the State People's Council of the Ukrainian People's Republic", which was adopted already during the time of the Directory, established that the members of the State People's Council act as representatives of the citizens of the Ukrainian State and their term of office was to last until the formation of the Parliament of Ukraine, but not more than one year. According to it, the parliament of the Ukrainian People's Republic – the State Council – was supposed to be a unicameral body elected on the basis of universal, equal, direct, secret voting for both men and women on the basis of proportionality. Before the convocation of the parliament, the legislative power was supposed to belong to the State Diet (pre-parliament), the composition and method of formation of which was to be determined by a separate law. However, due to the seizure of Ukraine by the Bolsheviks, it was not possible to put such documents into practice. But the fundamental importance of these documents regarding the formation of the electoral foundations of the Ukrainian electoral legislation does not lose its relevance.
The article studies the issues of the collective image of SS Wachmans, who graduated from a special school in Trawnik and were involved in letter cases related to the Janiwska/Janowska Death Camp in Lviv. What was the contingent of cadets of the Trawniki camp, how did former Red Army prisoners of war get there, who were they by nationality and social origin, how old were they, did they voluntarily become guards of death camps, were there members of Ukrainian nationalist organizations among them? These and other issues are considered in the context of the tragic events that took place on a small piece of land near Lviv during 1941 - 1943. The main sources for analysis are interrogation records, intelligence reports and identification protocols, which are contained in dozens of volumes of letter cases № 9 and № 638. In addition, the article uses analytical materials of the investigation, for example, background information on crimes committed in Lviv during the Nazi occupation and the personalities of criminals, the history of the Janiwska/Janowska Death Camp, etc. Particular attention is paid to the issues of "motivation" of Red Army prisoners of war and the procedure for their transfer to German service, the study of methods of psychological pressure on them in order to turn them into obedient weapons of murder. The biographical data of the "Trawniki men" clearly show that the experience of their pre-war life in the Bolshevik system of terror, shocking military experiences, captivity and the incredibly high mortality rate of prisoners of war in the winter of 1941-1942, psychological and physical pressure from the Nazis, virtually eliminated any moral warnings the SS Wachmans, who, fully aware of the criminality of their actions, in most cases until the last day of the Third Reich, continued to obey the orders of the Nazis, and after the war to hide their involvement in the SS security forces. The classic mechanism of self-justification for former graduates of the SS preparatory camp in Trawnik was the thesis about the "compulsion" of their actions under the pressure of circumstances, the threat of death.
The ideological struggle against the "counter-revolutionary manifestations" accompanied the entire history of Soviet society. However, there have been times when the war on the "ideological front" has intensified. For the most part, this was under the influence of major external shocks or during major ideological campaigns in the middle of the country. One of the episodes when foreign perturbations influenced the ideological confrontation within the USSR was the events of 1968 in Czechoslovakia. The special impact of the Prague Spring was felt in Ukraine, which was directly bordered by the Czechoslovak Republic, and had its powerful traditions of anti-Soviet ideological struggle. It is not surprising, therefore, that the State Security Committee of the USSR Council of Ministers has been particularly vigilant about the "ideological front" in Ukraine. Based on their understanding of the "ideological war" as an external sabotage, KGB analysts prepared relevant documents for top party leadership. The readers are invited to submit an archaeographic publication of the KGB document: "Memorandum. On some trends in the ideological diversion that is being carried out by the enemy in Ukraine". Separate 17-page typewritten document prepared specifically for the needs of the Communist Party Central Committee on September 11, 1968. The document contains six major challenges to the "ideological war" in Ukraine - confrontation with foreign "nationalist centers", confrontation with "internal ideological enemy", confrontation with "opposition" »Increase in the number of educated youth among anti-Soviet groups, opposition to the emergence of such phenomenon as anti-Soviet postcards, opposition to a part of the“ pro-stalinist ”society, confrontation organized strike of workers and farmers.
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