In developing nations, obesity has increased dramatically in the last decade, but a high prevalence of stunting still coexists. The intergenerational influences hypothesis (IIH) is one explanation for this. We test the IIH regarding variation in maternal stature, mother's age at pregnancy, and infant birth weight in relation to risk for overweight and stunting in 206 Maya children (4-6 years old) from Mérida, Yucatan, Mexico. The Maya children are compared with growth references (Frisancho 2008: Anthropometric Standards: An Interactive Nutritional Reference of Body Size and Body Composition for Children and Adults. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. 335 pp) for height, weight, and body mass index (BMI). Almost 70% of the mothers are shorter than 150 cm. Mothers' height and child's birth weight predict overweight. Children with a mother shorter than 150 cm are less than half as likely (OR = 0.44) to be overweight compared to children whose mothers are equal to or taller than 150 cm. Children with birth weights below 3,000 g are only a third as likely to be overweight (OR = 0.28) than their peers within the range of normal birth weight (3,000-3,500 g). Sex of the child, mother's height, and birth weight predict stunting. Girls are only 40% as likely as boys to be stunted. Children with a mother below 150 cm are 3.6 times more likely of being stunted. Children with birth weights below 3000 g are over 3 times more likely to be stunted relative to children with birth weights within the normal range. Mother's age at pregnancy is not a predictor of overweight or stunting. Our findings conform the IIH and with similar studies of populations undergoing nutritional/epidemiological transitions from traditional to globalized lifestyles.

These findings support the hypothesis for children and mothers. Based on ZLL, there is evidence that childhood and nutrition have improved somewhat for each younger generation. Persistent environmental adversity during growth resulted in growth deficits for LL and SH for the mothers and grandmothers.

Globalization is, in part, an economic force to bring about a closer integration of national economies. Globalization is also a biological, social and ideological process of change. Globalization results in powerful multinational corporations imposing their products on new markets. Food globalization brings about nutritional transitions, the most common being a shift from a locally-grown diet with minimally refined foods, to the modern diet of highly processed foods, high in saturated fat, animal products and sugar, and low in fiber. This paper will examine the influences of food globalization using the Maya of Mexico as a case study. The Maya people of Mexico are a poignant case. Maya health and culture has deteriorated as a result, with highly processed foods affecting physical growth and health of Maya children and their families. The case of the Maya is not isolated and we must come to terms with food globalization if we are to translate research into better child health and well-being.

Obesity affects quality of life and increases the risk of morbidity and mortality. Mexico, a middle-income country, has a high prevalence of overweight and obesity among urban children. Merida is the most populated and growing city in southern Mexico with a mixed Mayan and non-Maya population. Local urbanization and access to industrialized foods have impacted the eating habits and physical activity of children, increasing the risk of overweight and obesity. This study aimed to contribute to the existing literature on the global prevalence of overweight and obesity and examined the association of parental income, ethnicity and nutritional status with body mass index (BMI) and height in primary school children in Merida. The heights and weights of 3243 children aged 6-12 from sixteen randomly selected schools in the city were collected between April and December 2012. Multinomial logistic regression models were used to examine differences in the prevalence of BMI and height categories (based on WHO reference values) by ethnicity and income levels. Of the total students, 1648 (50.9%) were overweight or obese. Stunting was found in 227 children (7%), while 755 (23.3%) were defined as having short stature. Combined stunting and overweight/obesity was found in 301 students (9.3%) and twelve (0.4%) were classified as stunted and of low weight. Having two Mayan surnames was inversely associated with having adequate height (OR=0.69, p<0.05) and the presence of two Maya surnames in children increased the odds of short stature and stunting. Children from lower income families had twice the odds of being stunted and obese. Overweight, obesity and short stature were frequent among the studied children. A significant proportion of Meridan children could face an increased risk of developing cardiovascular disease and its associated negative economic and social outcomes unless healthier habits are adopted. Action is needed to reduce the prevalence of obesity among southern Mexican families of all ethnic groups, particularly those of lower income.

The relationship between BMI and adiposity indicators is not changed by stunting status or body proportions in this short population of urban Maya children and women. BMI can be used as an indicator of adiposity for these children but not the women. It is recommended that BMI is used in conjunction with other estimates of body composition.

Our findings partially support the hypothesis that living conditions experienced by recent maternal ancestors (F1 and F2 ) during their growth period influence the growth of descendants (F3 ). Results suggest that LL is more sensitive to intergenerational influences than is total height and that the transition from a traditional rural lifestyle to urban conditions results in new exposures for risk in human physical growth.

Growth measurements were more responsive to the studied environmental variables than to ancestry-related genetic conditions. Genetic predisposition is, therefore, not the primary cause of short stature in this sample of Yucatec Mayas.

Objectives: To analyze the association between birth mode and fat mass index (FMI= fat mass [kg]/height [m] 2 ), and z-score values of waist circumference (WCZ) and sum of triceps and subscapular skinfolds (SumSkfZ) in a sample of 256 6 to 8year-old urban Maya children from the cities of Merida and Motul in Yucatan, Mexico. waist circumference and skinfolds in children and height and weight in their mothers. Body composition was estimated in both generations through bioelectrical impedance analysis. Data on children's birth mode and birth weight were obtained from birth certificates. A pre-validated questionnaire for mothers was used regarding household living conditions. Multiple regression models were used to analyze the association between birth mode and adiposity parameters adjusting for the effect of place of residence, household crowding index, children's birth weight and maternal fat mass (FM). Separate regression models were run for boys and girls. Results: Caesarean-born children comprised 43% of the entire sample.Caesarean section (CS) was found to be associated with higher values of body adiposity in girls, but not in boys. Specifically, our models predicted that girls born by CS had an increased value of 0.817 kg/m 2 in FMI and showed higher standard deviations values for WCZ and SumskfZ (0.29 and 0.32 SD, respectively) than girls who were delivered vaginally. Discussion:Our results support the hypothesis that CS is associated with increased levels of adiposity in childhood, but only in girls.