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In this chapter, we report on the analyses focusing on both quality thresholds and quality features. First, we address questions about quality thresholds, using two analytic approaches. The analyses ask whether there is evidence suggesting thresholds in the association between a specific quality measure and a specific child outcome. Second, we extend these analyses to ask whether each child outcome is more strongly related to global quality measures or to quality measures that measure teacher-child interactions or quality of instruction in a given content area. The research to date provides the basis for the articulation of two hypotheses related to quality thresholds and features: (1) the quality of ECE is a stronger predictor of residualized gains in child outcomes in classrooms with higher quality than in classrooms with lower quality and (2) more specific measures of quality are stronger predictors of residualized gains in child outcomes than are global measures. We turn now to analyses intended to address these hypotheses by using data from several data sets.

Investing in our future: The evidence-base on preschool education. Foundation for Child Development. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED579818.pdf

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Although quality center-based child care is helpful in promoting school readiness for dual language learners (DLLs), little is known about the nonparental child care that young DLL children experience. DLL status is often confounded with immigrant status, ethnicity, and poverty. Using nationally representative data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study–Birth Cohort, we examined child care experiences with repeated cross-sectional analyses at 9, 24, and 52 months for DLL and non-DLL children. After accounting for demographic and contextual factors, we found few differences in the quality and type of child care experienced by DLL children and children who hear only English in the home. Child care experiences were more related to country of origin, ethnicity, or immigrant status than DLL status. Nonparental caregivers were more likely to speak the child’s home language in home-based care than center care. Findings illustrate the importance of distinguishing among DLL status, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, country of origin, and immigrant status when considering the child care experiences of DLLs.

Background There is a close relationship between weight status and cognitive impairment in older adults. This study examined the association between weight status and the trajectory of cognitive decline over time in a population-based cohort of older adults in China. Methods We used data from adults ≥ 55 years participating in the China Health and Nutrition Survey (1997-2018). Underweight (BMI≤18.5 kg/m²), normal weight (18.5-23kg/m²), overweight (23-27.5kg/m²), and obesity (≥27.5kg/m²) were defined using the World Health Organization Asian cutpoints. Global cognition was estimated every 2-4 years through a face-to-face interview using a modified Telephone Interview for Cognitive Status (score 0-27). The association between BMI and the rate of global cognitive decline, using a restricted cubic spline for age and age category, was examined with linear mixed-effects models accounting for correlation within communities and individuals. Results We included 5,992 adults (53% female, mean age of 62 at baseline). We found differences in the adjusted rate of global cognitive decline by weight status (p=0.01 in the cubic spline model). Models were adjusted for sex, marital status, current employment status, income, region, urbanization, education status, birth cohort, leisure activity, smoking status, and self-reported diagnosis of hypertension, diabetes, or MI/stroke. Additionally, significant declines by age in global cognitive function were found for all weight status categories except individuals with obesity. Conclusion In a cohort of adults in China, cognitive decline trajectory differed by weight status. A slower rate of change was observed in participants classified as having obesity.

Since 1949, the issue of marital postponement has been extensively discussed in China. Unlike some other means of fertility control (e.g. abortion and oral contraception), marital postponement has been welcomed with the fewest misgivings. Lately, marital postponement has also been given renewed emphasis by those outside China who see a weak link between various current national family planning programmes based on improved technology and the goal of fertility reduction. One aim of this paper is to render a comprehensive account of the marital postponement programme in China in the course of the birth control campaign during the last two decades. The second objective is to discuss the lessons that may be learned from it, and its implications for the current fertility controversy in the United States. Four general conclusions emerge from a careful analysis of the available documents: (1) in China, proponents of delayed marriage were divided on the question of how to secure its general acceptance. One issue dividing them was whether or not China's Marriage Law of 1950 should be amended in order to achieve it. Those who favoured raising the minimum legal age disagreed on the details of the presumably needed change. There is enough evidence to suggest that medical personnel were the chief advocates of compulsory postponement of marriage. The government rejected this legalistic approach and, in so doing, agreed with Chen Ta (a noted demographer) and others who sought to achieve postponement of marriage through appropriate social and economic measures. (2) Decisions to delay matrimony in different socio-cultural settings are not necessarily identical sociological phenomena. In some societies, (e.g. the United States), they may amount to no more than a course of action that enables individuals involved to realize or develop alternate goals in life. In others (e.g. China), they are literally acts of rebellion. (3) The fertility policy dispute has been carried on in a context of revolutionary change, and involved persons who have committed themselves to transforming the Chinese family. This prior commitment was mainly responsible for the relative lack of controversy about marital postponement as a means of fertility control. (4) Use of contraception is private, hidden from open view. But postponement of marriage is public and may be a source of inter-generational and interpersonal conflict. In China and other parallel situations, a decision to delay marriage is in itself against tradition. In this sense, a full-scale marital moratorium cannot but be more than a partial assault on the hold that the family has over its offspring. This must be unequivocally reflected in discussions of fertility control policy everywhere.