Number of Pages: 288 pp. ISBN-13: 9780306846434 With Culture Warlords (2020), Lavin ventures down the rabbit hole of hatred, misogyny and bigotry to re-emerge with knowledge you never knew you did not want to know. Lavin, a prolific freelance writer based in New York, begins with what seems to be individual antifascist sabotage of right-wing online communities, and proceeds to encompass a collective and common project. Her work builds to reveal law enforcement's complicity with fascist organising and condemns major technology companies such as Google, Facebook, Twitter, Telegram, and YouTube, which profit from underground international domestic terrorist networking. She clarifies the loose movement, known as Antifa, and aims to mobilise others to subvert fascist organising. She speaks to radicals, liberals and moderates alike-anyone who might defend hate speech on the basis of free speech, thus becoming complicit in the legacy of violence enacted in the name of the so-called pure, white race. Although focusing on white supremacy, she shows how misogyny intimately connects with ideologies promoting white supremacist violence. Lavin works in the company of her feminist predecessors, radical activist scholars who articulated the intertwined relationship between racism and misogyny (Combahee River Collective, 1979; Crenshaw, 1991; Davis, 1983; Lorde, 1984). These scholars theorised what bell hooks (2013) later names Imperialist White Supremacist Capitalist Patriarchy: a matrix of intersecting, interdependent ideologies maintained to perpetuate social, political and economic global subjugation of the masses. Rather than illuminating the simultaneity of oppressive structures that target women and people of colour as her predecessors have, Lavin asks if the relationship could be causal, if misogyny can act as gateway to white supremacy or vice versa (p.112). To enact her subterfuge, Lavin adopts multiple white identities in order to gain entry into the online underworld of white supremacists and antifeminists. To the uninitiated she reveals the tactics, lingo and psychology of a virtual universe where white supremacist misogynists thrive via platforms named Telegram, 8chan and WhiteDate. Notably, she virtually becomes 'AryanQueen:' a blonde (of course) neo-Nazi single looking for love with likeminded bigots. She exposes the pathos of those who are known as 'incels,' or involuntary celibates, i.e., men who lack experience with physical intimacy and through this lack of connection become bitter, spiteful, self-loathing misogynists. Like an Antifa siren off the shores of MAGA, she lures unsuspecting incels so that they might be forced to face in their public life-who they really are. Rather than avoiding the stereotypes of the evil seductress, the succubus, the author links seduction and war, and relishes her deceit, happily playing the role of Jezebel. Like those before her (Chisholm, 1970; Davis, 1983), Lavin illustrates the connection between white supremacy and antifeminism through analysis of the logic of control-both...
This article reviews the limitations of critical pedagogy in programs of teacher education, as well as several approaches of critical pedagogy, and the author, to surpass these limitations. I ask: How can teacher education manifest as a radical force in the transformation of society and cultural relations in schools for the purpose of advancing social justice, the humanization of students, and the relevancy of education curriculum? Furthermore, how can teacher education do more to challenge the status quo of an uncritical, power-obsessed teaching force which reproduces relations of domination and subordination in school? Using historical as well as current research on the political developments influencing the role of critical pedagogy in programs of teacher education, I assert that although neoliberal mandates have restricted the prominence of this approach, teacher educators, teacher education program directors and administrators can exercise agency to promote critical pedagogical concepts for the humanization of student-teachers. I offer as an example the outline of a course designed to address these goals. Although the field of teacher education subsists in a neoliberal political climate, and remains beholden to uncritical funding sources, critical pedagogy, as an alternative paradigm, offers concrete steps programs and professors of teacher education can potentially take to act as critically transformative agents in education.
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