The immigrant experiences of older migrants might be affected by an 'invisible' source of isolation and exclusion at familial, community, societal and transnational levels.

Ageing does not reduce people's need to connect with family members, friends, and acquaintances, and neither does migration. For those older migrants living in a foreign land, connectedness with others plays a particularly important role in achieving a sense of belonging and sustaining their health and well‐being. This paper explores the issues of social isolation and loneliness among older Asian migrants in New Zealand. Data were collected from in‐depth semi‐structured interviews with Chinese‐ or Korean‐speaking migrants aged between 75 and 84 years (n = 10: all females), and from three focus groups consisting of Chinese‐ and Korean‐speaking migrants (n = 10: 7 females, 3 males) and Chinese professionals (n = 5: 3 females, 2 males) between June 2016 and December 2016. The qualitative data obtained were analysed applying a thematic analysis approach using NVivo software for group analysis by a multidisciplinary research team. The findings from the study show that older Asian migrants experienced high levels of isolation and loneliness at least at some points in their migrant lives. Most participants in this study were living alone or with only their spouse, and this living arrangement was likely to provide fertile ground for isolation and loneliness to grow in the context of later‐life migration. It was also observed that their lonely ageing ironically resulted from their efforts to preserve family relationships through avoiding being a burden, while allowing them a sort of space to maintain now barely connected lives. The participants revealed multiple ways of coping with lonely and isolated experiences in their limited social network, and these individual strategies allow us to make suggestions about how best to reduce older migrants’ social isolation and loneliness in the New Zealand context and beyond.

We aimed to identify genomic traits of transitions to ectomycorrhizal ecology within the Boletales by comparing the genomes of 21 symbiotrophic species with their saprotrophic brown-rot relatives.Gene duplication rate is constant along the backbone of Boletales phylogeny with large loss events in several lineages, while gene family expansion sharply increased in the late Miocene, mostly in the Boletaceae.Ectomycorrhizal Boletales have a reduced set of plant cell-wall-degrading enzymes (PCWDEs) compared with their brown-rot relatives. However, the various lineages retain distinct sets of PCWDEs, suggesting that, over their evolutionary history, symbiotic Boletales have become functionally diverse. A smaller PCWDE repertoire was found in Sclerodermatineae. The gene repertoire of several lignocellulose oxidoreductases (e.g. laccases) is similar in brown-rot and ectomycorrhizal species, suggesting that symbiotic Boletales are capable of mild lignocellulose decomposition. Transposable element (TE) proliferation contributed to the higher evolutionary rate of genes encoding effector-like small secreted proteins, proteases, and lipases. On the other hand, we showed that the loss of secreted CAZymes was not related to TE activity but to DNA decay.This study provides novel insights on our understanding of the mechanisms influencing the evolutionary diversification of symbiotic boletes.

While social connectedness is heralded as a key enabler of positive health and social outcomes for older people, rarely have they themselves had the opportunity to express their views about the concept. Working with a diverse group of Pacific, Māori, Asian and New Zealand European older adults, this paper explores what matters to older people when discussing social connectedness? We draw from individual, in-depth interviews with 44 older adults, and three group interviews comprising 32 older adults. Data were analysed using thematic and narrative analyses. The three themes identified were: getting out of the house, ability to connect and feelings of burden. Fundamental to social connectedness was participants’ desire to be recognised as resourceful agents able to foster relationships on the basis of mutual respect. Social connectedness was conceptualised as multi-levelled: relating to interpersonal relationships as much as neighbourhoods and wider society. Alongside these similarities we also discuss important differences. Participants preferred to socialise with people from similar cultural backgrounds where they shared taken-for-granted social customs and knowledges. This is in the context where racism, poverty and inequalities clearly impeded already minoritised participants’ sense of social connection. Key structural ways to improve social connectedness should focus on factors that enable cohesion between levels of connection, including stable neighbourhoods serviced with accessible public transport, liveable pensions and inclusivity of cultural diversity.