Two experiments investigated the role of language in children’s spatial recall performance. In particular, we assessed whether selecting an intrinsic reference frame could be improved through verbal encoding. Selecting an intrinsic reference frame requires remembering locations relative to nearby objects independent of one’s body (egocentric) or distal environmental (allocentric) cues, and does not reliably occur in children under 5 years of age (Nardini, Burgess, Breckenridge, & Atkinson, 2006). The current studies tested the relation between spatial language and 4-year-olds’ selection of an intrinsic reference frame in spatial recall. Experiment 1 showed that providing 4-year-olds with location-descriptive cues during (Exp. 1a) or before (Exp. 1b) the recall task improved performance both overall and specifically on trials relying most on an intrinsic reference frame. Additionally, children’s recall performance was predicted by their verbal descriptions of the task space (Exp. 1a control condition). Non-verbally highlighting relations among objects during the recall task (Exp. 2) supported children’s performance relative to the control condition, but significantly less than the location-descriptive cues. These results suggest that the ability to verbally represent relations is a potential mechanism that could account for developmental changes in the selection of an intrinsic reference frame during spatial recall.

Prior research has investigated the relation between children’s language and spatial cognition by assessing the quantity of children’s spatial word production, with limited attention to the context in which children use such words. This study tested whether 4-year-olds children’s (N = 41, primarily white middle-class) adaptive use of task-relevant language across contexts predicted their spatial skills. Children were presented with a spatial scene description task, four spatial tasks, and vocabulary assessments. Children’s adaptive use of task-relevant language was more predictive of their spatial skills than demographic and language factors (e.g., quantity of spatial words produced). These findings identify new links between language and spatial cognition and highlight the importance of understanding the quality, not just quantity, of children’s language use.

Research on visual working memory has focused on characterizing the nature of capacity limits as “slots” or “resources” based almost exclusively on adults’ performance with little consideration for developmental change. Here we argue that understanding how visual working memory develops can shed new light onto the nature of representations. We present an alternative model, the Dynamic Field Theory (DFT), which can capture effects that have been previously attributed either to “slot” or “resource” explanations. The DFT includes a specific developmental mechanism to account for improvements in both resolution and capacity of visual working memory throughout childhood. Here we show how development in the DFT can account for different capacity estimates across feature types (i.e., color and shape). The current paper tests this account by comparing children’s (3, 5, and 7 years of age) performance across different feature types. Results showed that capacity for colors increased faster over development than capacity for shapes. A second experiment confirmed this difference across feature types within subjects, but also showed that the difference can be attenuated by testing memory for less-familiar colors. Model simulations demonstrate how developmental changes in connectivity within the model—purportedly arising through experience—can capture differences across feature types.

Children's spatial language reliably predicts their spatial skills, but the nature of this relation is a source of debate. This investigation examined whether the mechanisms accounting for such relations are specific to language use or reflect a domain-general mechanism of selective attention. Experiment 1 examined whether 4-year-olds' spatial skills were predicted by their selective attention or their adaptive language use. Children completed (a) an attention task assessing attention to task-relevant color, size, and location cues; (b) a description task assessing adaptive language use to describe scenes varying in color, size, and location; and (c) three spatial tasks. There was correspondence between the cue types that children attended to and produced across description and attention tasks. Adaptive language use was predicted by both children's attention and task-related language production, suggesting that selective attention underlies skills in using language adaptively. After controlling for age, gender, receptive vocabulary, and adaptive language use, spatial skills were predicted by children's selective attention. The attention score predicted variance in spatial performance previously accounted for by adaptive language use. Experiment 2 followed up on the attention task (Experiment 2a) and description task (Experiment 2b) from Experiment 1 to assess whether performance in the tasks related to selective attention or task-specific demands. Performance in Experiments 2a and 2b paralleled that in Experiment 1, suggesting that the effects in Experiment 1 reflected children's selective attention skills. These findings show that selective attention is a central factor supporting spatial skill development that could account for many effects previously attributed to children's language use.