This article examines the social forces underlying FIFAgate. Why do corrupt practices, which are often highly consolidated or even institutionalized, suddenly become scandalous? What is a scandal? Why did FIFA fall into crisis in 2015 and not before? To answer these questions, it is necessary to look at the sequence of thrusts and parries between all the parties involved. Our analysis embraces the notion that social processes are based on relationships in order to provide insights into why and how denunciations can lead to long-tolerated corrupt practices suddenly becoming compromising enough to force an organization's leaders to implement measures that would have previously been unimaginable. We use multiple sources to examine the emergence of FIFAgate and the way FIFA overcame previous critical situations, describing how FIFA neutralized earlier allegations and developed a remarkable 'resilience' to scandal. Finally, we analyse the successive mobilizations whose domino effect led to the emergence of FIFAgate and the measures FIFA took to contain the scandal. Our research enabled us to draw up a new theoretical model for analysing corruption scandals. Joël Robert, journalist, head of the sports desk: 'Well, you know, he runs it honestly because, logically and legally, there have been legal proceedings, but Blatter and FIFA have never been caught out. There are still proceedings under way. I tell you that Blatter will be re-elected very comfortably. He will keep going. He has been at FIFA for 30 years, president since '98, but, clearly, if a corruption or some other sort of scandal breaks, well, in that case, Blatter will fall from his throne. But, at the moment, he is solidly seated on that throne.' (28 August 2014) 1 This exchange between two journalists speaking live on Swiss public radio shows that suspicions of corruption within the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) had already emerged before the 'FIFAgate' scandal broke in 2015. More than just rumours, leaks by whistleblowers had led to explicit allegations by 'critical voices' (Andrew Jennings, Change FIFA, Transparency International, Play the Game) and police enquiries. In fact, for many years, media investigations, notably by the BBC, The Guardian and The Sunday Times, had uncovered evidence of corrupt practices within FIFA, although they had never managed to directly incriminate the organisation's Swiss president, Sepp Blatter. The ability of the world's most
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Impulsée par des élus de l’UDC pour contourner des décisions politiques et judiciaires prises au niveau local, puis national, l’initiative populaire acceptée en 2009 visant l’interdiction de construire des minarets a réactivé la stigmatisation des musulmans établis en Suisse, ainsi qu’un ensemble de controverses opposant systématiquement, dans une configuration institutionnelle particulière, la démocratie directe aux droits fondamentaux, la « volonté populaire » au « pouvoir des juges », nationaux et internationaux. Polysémique, le concept de judiciarisation est appréhendé ici dans une perspective processuelle et relationnelle, non pas comme transfert vers l’arène judiciaire de questions politiques touchant la régulation publique du religieux, mais sous l’angle de la juridicisation de la controverse suscitée par l’initiative populaire que produit l’anticipation des décisions de justice dans les échanges politiques.
Résumé En Italie, la question de l’amnistie des crimes et délits des « années de plomb » (1969-1982) reste à la fois controversée et verrouillée. Cette période fut marquée par des actes terroristes perpétrés par des membres de l’extrême gauche, de l’extrême droite et de l’État. À l’exception d’anciens activistes et de quelques figures isolées, la plupart des différents intervenants (parlementaires, magistrats, avocats, juristes, porte-parole des victimes, journalistes, etc.) sont persuadés, pour des raisons multiples et variées, de l’impossibilité d’une clémence collective (« les conditions politiques ne sont pas réunies »), autosuggestion qui, en retour, complique toute solution en la matière. Si la grâce présidentielle au bénéfice de quelques-uns, dont Adriano Sofri, semble plus envisageable, elle ne s’est toujours pas concrétisée. Ces veto entrecroisés dépendent et participent fortement du contexte, à savoir de ce que les protagonistes perçoivent comme (im)possible de faire.
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