Pointing and speaking enrich the infant's repertoire of communicative action. However, pointing emerges as a component of action-for-self: selective orienting to salient (usually, moving or changing) things. Pointing with vocalization, followed by pointing with naming, indexes the child's shifting focus of attention. Evidence that they emerge for the purpose of intentional communication is lacking.

The present study examined the extent to which visual experience contributes to children's ability to represent the human figure. Nine congenitally blind children aged 7:11 to 13:7 and nine sighted children aged 7:9 to 13:6 modeled the human figure with plasticene. The controls performed more accurately than the blind children with respect to presence and placement of body parts and significantly (p less than .01) surpassed the latter with respect to proportion of body parts, even when blindfolded. Congenitally blind children did internalize a representation of the human body, but compared to that of sighted children, it was impoverished and systematically distorted. This finding suggests that tactile-kinesthetic information cannot fully compensate for visual experience in the formation of an internalized representation of the human body.

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Fifty-two children aged 2; 5 to 6; 3 acted out the meaning of reversible passive and inverted cleft sentences. The younger children overgeneralized two strategies that led to passive sentence reversal. In order of frequency, they are: (1)‘agent + action’ (the noun preceding the verb being interpreted as agent even when it is the second noun), and (2) ‘order-of-mention’ (the first noun being treated as agent). Whereas younger children tended to use an individually consistent approach to both structures, older children were more likely to vary their approaches when they did not comprehend a structure.

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In full passive sentences such as The cat was kicked by the dog, the patient (cat) is promoted to subject and the agent is demoted to the by-phrase. Children 2;10 to 4;7 years (mean 3;6) who were taught the form with animate patients and animate agents (The baby is being picked up by the girl) were better able to produce and comprehend passives than children taught with inanimate patients and animate agents (The flower is being picked up by the girl). The finding of comparable post-teaching performance in children taught with perceptually salient (coloured) VS. nonsalient patients argues against a salience explanation for the patient animacy effect. Moreover, equal access to word forms for animate and inanimate nouns did not reduce the effect. The animacy effect is consistent with claims that ‘perspective’ is the cognitive counterpart to the formal category of subject; and, conversely, inconsistent with attempts to understand language acquisition in terms of a language system that operates in isolation from other facets of human cognition.

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Second language (L2) learners often have persistent difficulty with agreement between the number of the subject and the number of the verb. This study tested whether deviant L2 verb number agreement reflects maturational constraints on acquiring new grammatical features or resource limitations that impede access to the representations of L2 grammatical features. L1-Chinese undergraduate students at three age of arrival (AoA) levels were tested for online verb agreement accuracy by completing preambles in three animacy combinations: animate-inanimate [AI; e.g., The officer(s) from the station(s)], inanimate-animate [IA; e.g., The letters from the lawyer(s)], and inanimate-inanimate [II; e.g., The poster(s) from the museum(s)]. AI should be less costly to process than IA or II sequences, because animacy supports the subject in AI but competes with the subject for control of agreement in IA sequences, and is neutralized in II. Agreement accuracy was greater overall for AI than for IA or II, and although an AoArelated increase in erroneous agreement after plural subjects occurred for IA and II, there were no AoA effects for AI. Higher scores on memory tasks were associated with greater agreement accuracy, and the memory tasks significantly predicted variance in erroneous agreement when AoA was partialed out. The fact that even late learners can do verb agreement in the case of AI demonstrates that they can acquire new grammatical features. The greater difficulty with agreement in the case of IA or II than of AI, in conjunction with the results for the memory tasks, supports the resource limitation hypothesis.