In the 1970s the level of the distributive conflict increased in most developed capitalist countries. But at the same time it was found that the level of the distributive conflict remained on an unchanged level or even declined in some countries. In this article the role of interest organizations is analysed in explaining both cross‐national differences in the level of the distributive conflict and the resurgence of the distributive conflict in the 1970s. Using Mancur Olson's new theory of interest organizations, the author shows on a theoretical level that a pluralist mode of interest intermediation is conducive to a high level of the distributive conflict and that a corporatist mode of interest intermediation is conducive to a low level of the distributive conflict. Empirical analyses in 18 developed capitalist countries are then carried on to test this theory. Empirical analyses strongly support the theory.
During the past two decades, the Finnish political system has gradually changed from a semi‐presidential to a nearly parliamentary one. This process was finalized with the drafting of the new constitution in 2000. Four factors in particular contributed to the parliamentarization of the Finnish constitution. Firstly, the breakdown of the Soviet Union also broke down the tradition of highly personalized, presidential rule in Finnish–Soviet relations. Secondly, Finnish membership of the European Union increased the need to integrate the Finnish cabinet in decision making on foreign affairs. Thirdly, because of the stabilization of cabinets, based on the increased coalition elasticity and coalition capacity of the political parties, there was not as much need, or room, for presidential intervention as in earlier decades. Fourthly, after the highly personalized tenure of President Urho Kekkonen, there was, among the political parties, a reaction against personalized presidential rule. The new constitution is to a large extent based on cabinet‐centred governance, although steps towards ministerial governance have also been taken. There are, however, many non‐constitutional factors giving rise to a new kind of prime‐ministerial governance. Among these are: (1) internationalization of politics, (2) growth of the public sector, (3) convergence of party ideologies, and (4) a new kind of personalized political publicity.
Since the early 1980s, the regime type of the Finnish political system has gradually mutated, because of the complementary processes of de-presidentialization and re-presidentialization. The former entailed the erosion of the formal prerogatives of the President and a switch from a semi-presidential towards a parliamentary type of executive. This process culminated in the coming into force of a totally new constitution in 2000. Re-presidentialization, in turn, consists of the growing power of the Prime Minister within the newly parliamentarized political executive. Most of the causes of the de facto ‘re-presidentialization’ of Finnish politics are structural rather than contingent. The internal activities of political parties have declined as they have transformed themselves into modern electoralist organizations, and the autonomy of the leaders from their parties has increased. Partisan dealignment and ideological convergence between the parties has made space for the personalization of politics. The personalization of politics, in combination with the declining role of party organizations, enhances the autonomy of party leaders within their own parties. In contemporary Finland, the leaders with the strongest presidential capacities contest the premiership rather than the presidency.
The intensity of the distributive struggle is an important determinant in explaining cross‐national differences in unemployment and inflation during the economic crisis of the 1970s. Unemployment is analysed as a result of corporate actions to counter the falling rate of profit. In countries with a high level of distributive struggle, the reduction of the labour force has been the main method of coping with problems of profitability. In countries with a low level of distributive struggle, other methods have also been used. Production costs have been stabilized by means of moderate incomes policy and by revaluing the currency. As a result of these policy differences, both the rates of unemployment and inflation were moderate in countries with a low level of distributive struggle, while countries with a high level faced severe problems of unemployment and inflation.
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