Science education has a seemingly intractable gender problem and remains largely the reserve of White, middle-class men and boys, especially in the physical sciences. In this paper, taking an intersectional approach to Butler's idea of identity as performance, we explore the affordances and limitations of a specific science learning space (a science museum) for girls. We discuss four types of performance, one based on 'good' behaviour, one combining masculinity and 'race'/ethnicity, one of silence and one based on being 'cool'. We focus on the experiences of 25 girls aged 12-13, from a mixture of ethnic backgrounds, from two inner-city, state-run, co-educational London schools, in the UK. We argue that the museum space put girls in a difficult position for both learning science and enacting the identities they were invested in.We conclude by reflecting on the implications for science learning spaces that disrupt rather than reproduce social inequalities.

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In this paper, we take the view that school classrooms are spaces that are constituted by complex power struggles (for voice, authenticity, and recognition), involving multiple layers of resistance and contestation between the “institution,” teachers and students, which can have profound implications for students’ science identity and participation. In particular, we ask what are the celebrated identity performances within science classes, how are these re/produced and/or contested, and by whom? Analyzing data from 9 months of observations of science classes with nine teachers and c. 200 students aged 11–15 from six London schools and 13 discussion groups with 59 students, we identify three dominant celebrated identity performances (“tick box” learning, behavioral compliance, and muscular intellect) and discuss the complex ways in which these are promulgated both institutionally and interpersonally by teachers and students, drawing out the implications for students’ performances of science. The paper concludes with reflections on the equity implications for science education policy and practice.

Museum educators have a longstanding presence and importance in museums, but there is limited recognition and understanding of their work, both in research and practice. Investigations into the pedagogical actions of educators in science museums suggest that educators do not share a common understanding of best practice, which may be due to the absence of professional preparation grounded in a recognized knowledge base. To ensure quality and credibility of museum education work, and for the occupation to complete its professionalization process, a knowledge base is needed. Thus, we offer a framework upon which the professional work of museum educators may be grounded. This knowledge framework comprises six components: context, choice and motivation, objects, content, theories of learning, and talk, which are organized into three domains of knowledge: museum content knowledge, museum pedagogical knowledge, and museum contextual knowledge.

This paper discusses the value and place of evaluation amidst increasing demands for impact. We note that most informal learning institutions do not have the funds, staff or expertise to conduct impact assessments requiring, as they do, the implementation of rigorous research methodologies. However, many museums and science centres do have the experience and capacity to design and conduct site-specific evaluation protocols that result in valuable and useful insights to inform ongoing and future practice. To illustrate our argument, we discuss the evaluation findings from a museum-led teacher professional development programme, Talk Science.

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Student engagement with science is a long-standing, central interest within science education research. In this article, we examine student engagement with science using a Bourdiusian lens, placing a particular emphasis on the notion of field. Over the course of one academic year, we collected data in an inner London secondary science classroom through lesson observations, interviews and discussion groups with students, and interviews with the teacher. We argue that applying Bourdieusian theory can help better understand differential patterns of student engagement by directing attention to the alignment between students' habitus and capital, and the field. Student behaviours that did not meet the requirements of the wider field were not recognised and valued as constituting engagement. Even when the 'rules of the game' of the science classroom were understood by the students, the tensions they experienced within the field made engaging with science impossible and undesirable. We discuss how a greater focus on the field can be useful for planning future interventions aimed at making science education more equitable.

General rightsThis document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/pure/about/ebr-terms STEM in England: meanings and motivations in the policy arena Vicky Wong, King's College London, Corresponding author, Victoria.wong@kcl.ac.uk Justin Dillon, University of Bristol, Justin.dillon@bristol.ac.uk Heather King, King's College London, heather.1.king@kcl.ac.uk Abstract STEM, an acronym for science, technology, engineering and mathematics, is widely used in science education. There is confusion, however, as to its provenance and meaning which is potentially problematic. This study examines the purpose and underlying philosophy of STEM practice in education in England and asks if there are differences in perceptions of STEM between science and mathematics educator stakeholders. The study's contribution to the literature is its unusual focus on those who were responsible for making and enacting national STEM policy. A two-phase qualitative approach was followed comprising an analysis of government documentation related to STEM initiatives together with semi-structured interviews with 21 key contributors to the science and mathematics education discourse in England. Using thematic analysis, recurring patterns were identified in the data. Findings suggest that there is a disconnect between the interpretations of the science and mathematics educators with a danger/advantage dichotomy to participation in STEM being perceived by the mathematics educators. Potential danger did not appear to be felt by science educators, possibly as science was perceived as dominant in STEM discourse. Broader early aims of the architects of the STEM agenda, including those of increasing diversity among STEM students, gave way to a focus on numbers of post-16 physics and mathematics students. We conclude that if the term STEM is to continue to be used then there is a need for greater clarity about what it represents in educational terms and a wider debate about its compatibility with the aims of science education for all. Key words: STEM, mathematics, policy developmentFrom past to present: the story of STEM STEM has become a key driver in science education with many projects funded by the European Union coming under the STEM banner (European Commission, 2016), yet there is a lack of clarity regarding its history and a variety of different meanings are ascribed to it. Part of the reason is that it is an acronym with a vague history. In this section, the history of STEM will be traced and links to wider discourses in education examined. We begin by looking at STEM as a single construct as it is a well-known and frequently used term, however we will also tease out whether seeing it in this way is always helpful.Page 2 of 20 STEM usually refers to Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics, but to some it is Science, Technology, Engineering and Medicine and for many outside the 'STEM community' it ...