The Medical Intelligence and Information (MI2) Unit of the German Armed Forces (Bundeswehr) is experienced in crisis support in military missions since several years. It gained additional experiences during the current coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on different levels of the response to crisis and was requested to share the findings and expertise with the overloaded civil public health agencies inside Germany. Since the beginning of the pandemic, the unit is constantly developing new products for crisis communication, knowledge sharing techniques in new databases, dashboards for leadership, and training for laypersons in contact tracing. Hence, trying to innovate in crisis since the first severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus (SARS-CoV)-2-disease wave. During the second wave, the unit was requested to evaluate the outbreak management of different national civil public health agencies in southern Germany, and to support the development of dashboards in a comprehensive public health approach as a necessary start toward digitalization.
Outre les conséquences du conflit yougoslave sur la région balkanique, la guerre serbo-croate a eu un effet très déstabilisateur sur la Communauté européenne. A la veille du sommet de Maastricht, les différends relatifs surtout à la reconnaissance par la Communauté des républiques croate et Slovène, ont fait ressortir deux problèmes majeurs. Tout d'abord, les divergences de position, notamment de la France et de l'Allemagne, que motivent des principes et des expériences propres à chacun des pays, sont révélatrices de la faiblesse des moyens d'action de la Communauté européenne. Ensuite, les très nombreuses craintes, en particulier françaises, de voir Bonn s'engager sur la voie du Sonderweg en matière d'Ostpolitik et se désolidariser de la Communauté laissent à penser qu'outre les difficultés à concilier intérêts nationaux et intérêts communautaires, la politique étrangère de l'Allemagne unie n'est pas encore formulée de façon définitive.
The Complex Relationships between Eastern Europe and Germany, by Hans Stark
Since the opening up of East European countries, their democratisation and change over to market economies, dialogue has naturally increased between the Eastern and Western halves of Europe. Germany is the principal beneficiary of the new situation and Ostpolitik has gained a new lease of life. Initiatives in this respect have not failed to arouse certain reservations and suspicions on the part of Western neighbours, who alas have a tendency to underestimate Germany's difficulties with regard to its East European relations. It has to overcome distrust based on memories of the war and anti-German propaganda used by communist regimes as well as fear of German economie domination. All these factors bring great complexity to its dealings in the East.
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