In two studies, the authors investigated 2- and 3-year-old children's awareness of the normative structure of conventional games. In the target conditions, an experimenter showed a child how to play a simple rule game. After the child and the experimenter had played for a while, a puppet came (controlled by a 2nd experimenter), asked to join in, and then performed an action that constituted a mistake in the game. In control conditions, the puppet performed the exact same action as in the experimental conditions, but the context was different such that this act did not constitute a mistake. Children's normative responses to the puppet's acts (e.g., protest, critique, or teaching) were scored. Both age groups performed more normative responses in the target than in the control conditions, but the 3-year-olds did so on a more explicit level. These studies demonstrate in a particularly strong way that even very young children have some grasp of the normative structure of conventional activities.

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It is widely believed that what distinguishes the social cognition of humans from that of other animals is the belief–desire psychology of four–year–old children and adults (so–called theory of mind). We argue here that this is actually the second ontogenetic step in uniquely human social cognition. The first step is one year old children's understanding of persons as intentional agents, which enables skills of cultural learning and shared intentionality. This initial step is ‘the real thing’ in the sense that it enables young children to participate in cultural activities using shared, perspectival symbols with a conventional/normative/reflective dimension—for example, linguistic communication and pretend play—thus inaugurating children's understanding of things mental. Understanding beliefs and participating in collective intentionality at four years of age—enabling the comprehension of such things as money and marriage—results from several years of engagement with other persons in perspective–shifting and reflective discourse containing propositional attitude constructions

a b s t r a c tThe present work investigated young children's normative understanding of property rights using a novel methodology. Two-and 3-year-old children participated in situations in which an actor (1) took possession of an object for himself, and (2) attempted to throw it away. What varied was who owned the object: the actor himself, the child subject, or a third party. We found that while both 2-and 3-year-old children protested frequently when their own object was involved, only 3-year-old children protested more when a third party's object was involved than when the actor was acting on his own object. This suggests that at the latest around 3 years of age young children begin to understand the normative dimensions of property rights.

Recent research has produced new insights into the early development of social cognition and social learning. Even very young children learn and understand social activities as governed by conventional norms that (a) are arbitrary and shared by the community, (b) have normative force and apply to all participants, and (c) are valid in context‐relative ways. Importantly, such understanding is revealed both in the fact that children themselves follow the norms, and in the fact that they actively enforce them toward third parties. Human social cognition thus has a fundamental normative dimension that begins early. This norm psychology plausibly evolved due to its role in stabilizing group coordination and cooperation, and is one of the foundations of what is uniquely human social learning and culture.

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Young children interpret some acts performed by adults as normatively governed, that is, as capable of being performed either rightly or wrongly. In previous experiments, children have made this interpretation when adults introduced them to novel acts with normative language (e.g. 'this is the way it goes'), along with pedagogical cues signaling culturally important information, and with social-pragmatic marking that this action is a token of a familiar type. In the current experiment, we exposed children to novel actions with no normative language, and we systematically varied pedagogical and social-pragmatic cues in an attempt to identify which of them, if either, would lead children to normative interpretations. We found that young 3-year-old children inferred normativity without any normative language and without any pedagogical cues. The only cue they used was adult social-pragmatic marking of the action as familiar, as if it were a token of a well-known type (as opposed to performing it, as if inventing it on the spot). These results suggest that - in the absence of explicit normative language - young children interpret adult actions as normatively governed based mainly on the intentionality (perhaps signaling conventionality) with which they are performed.

Qu'est-ce qui rend la cognition humaine unique ? Intentionnalité individuelle, partagée et collective. Il est largement admis que ce qui distingue la cognition sociale humaine de celle des autres animaux est la maîtrise, dès l''âge de 4 ans, d'une psychologie qui fait intervenir des croyances et des désirs (théorie de l'esprit). Pour les auteurs, la théorie de l'esprit n'est toutefois que la seconde étape ontogénétique dans le développement d'une cognition sociale spécifiquement humaine. La première étape a lieu à l'âge d'1 an, lorsque les enfants comprennent que les personnes sont des agents intentionnels ; cette acquisition leur ouvre de nouvelles capacités d'apprentissage culturel et leur permet d'accéder à l'intentionnalité partagée. Cette étape initiale est la plus fondamentale car elle permet à de jeunes enfants de participer à des activités culturelles, par exemple la communication linguistique et le faire-semblant, en utilisant des symboles partagés dont la dimension conventionnelle / normative / réflexive marque le début de la compréhension des choses mentales. La maîtrise du concept de croyance et la participation à l'intentionnalité collective que manifestent les enfants de 4 ans – qui leur permet de faire sens de phénomènes tels que la monnaie ou le mariage – sont le résultat de plusieurs années passées à échanger leurs point de vue avec autrui et à participer à des discours réflexifs jalonnés d'attitudes propositionnelles.