Торопчин Глеб Вячеславович -к.и.н., доцент кафедры иностранных языков технических факультетов Новосибирского государственного технического университета, доцент кафедры мировой экономи-ки, международных отношений и права Новосибирского государственного университета экономи-ки и управления; Российская Федерация, 630073, Новосибирск, просп. Карла Маркса, д. 20; E-mail: glebtoropchin@mail
Rapid development of China’s internal nuclear market, together with its rise on the international arena and the declared transition to green economy, gave a crucial impetus to its aspirations to enter the international atomic market as a global exporter of nuclear technology. The aim of this article is to define the political and ideological foundations underpinning such an ambitious endeavor, as well as predict the related development in the short and mid-term perspective. The author utilizes both general scientific methods as well as statistical and comparative analysis to single out the directions of China’s nuclear market outreach, both regionally and globally. Pakistan, widely presented as a flagship example of China’s exporting its know-how in nuclear engineering, remains the only partner of a kind in the broader Asia-Pacific. This article demonstrates that Belt and Road Initiative (specifically, the Green Silk Road), out of all multiple formats, was arguably chosen by the Chinese government as the most suitable framework for expanding its influence in the nuclear domain and filling a certain gap which formed after Westinghouse and Areva (now Orano) got reorganised after encountering financial problems. At the same time, China’s bid for leadership in the sphere of nuclear technology is obstructed by some impediments. Among them are Russia’s dominance in breakthrough areas of nuclear engineering and Rosatom’s large market share, as well as lack of political will in some countries’ elites to build ties with China in this strategic realm, opting for competition instead.
The Indo-Pacific region concept, having a significant place in the U.S. as well as their Asia-Pacific allies’ official discourse in the latest decades, is also penetrating the diplomatic terminology of both the EU and separate European nations. This paper features a review of how the Indo-Pacific strategies are designed as exemplified by the corresponding documents adopted by the said international organisation and some of its member states (including the former ones, such as the UK), particularly in the security realm and nuclear non-proliferation, given the importance of these factors for strategic stability in the global and regional dimensions. In terms of methodology, the article employs some elements of discourse analysis, content analysis, comparative political studies, and prognostic methods; the sources are represented by the EU and European countries’ official documents, as well as speeches made by politicians. Thanks to analysing the states’ strategies, main trends, which are also reflected in the common EU strategy, are singled out. The author draws a conclusion that the deterioration of the Ukrainian crisis will limit the opportunities for further development of the interregional ties between Europe and Asia.
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