Age and sex differences in the use of coping and defense strategies were examined in life-span sample of 381 individuals. Participants responded to 2 self-report measures assessing mechanisms of coping and defense and measures assessing their level of cognitive complexity. Older adults used a combination of coping and defense strategies indicative of greater impulse control and the tendency to positively appraise conflict situations. Adolescents and younger adults used strategies that were outwardly aggressive and psychologically undifferentiated, indicating lower levels of impulse control and self-awareness. Women used more internalizing defenses than men and used coping strategies that flexibly integrated intra-and interpersonal aspects of conflict situations. Taken together, findings provide evidence for the age- and sex-specific use of strategies of coping and defense, suggesting that men and women may face different developmental tasks in the process toward maturity in adulthood.

This study examined change in self-reported empathy in a four-wave longitudinal study spanning 12 years (1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004) and the association between empathy and other measures, including daily reports of relationship experiences. Participants initially ranged in age from 10 years to 87 years. Crosssectional and longitudinal associations of age with empathy revealed divergent patterns. Whereas cross-sectional analyses suggested that older adults scored lower in empathy than younger adults, longitudinal analyses showed no age-related decline in empathy. This combined pattern suggests that the cross-sectional age-differences reflect a cohort rather than an age effect, with older cohorts reporting lower levels of empathy than younger ones. Independent of age, empathy was associated with a positive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction) and interaction profile (e.g., positive relations with others). In addition, a subsample of participants (n= 114) conducted experience-sampling about social interactions for a week. People with high self-reported empathy perceived their interactions as more meaningful, felt more positive in these interactions, and thought that their interaction partner felt also more positive. Thus, self-reported empathy was meaningfully associated with adults' actual social interactions. Keywordsempathy; age differences; cohort effect; experience sampling Empathy, the ability to understand another person's thoughts and feelings, involves emotional and cognitive processes and is a fundamental aspect of social interactions and relationships (Davis, 1994;Ickes, 1997;Singer, 2006). Moreover, empathic understanding is also an integral part of moral development and an important motivational component of prosocial and altruistic behavior (Eisenberg, 2000;Hoffman, 1977Hoffman, , 2000. Although empathy is relevant for social interactions across the entire lifespan, the development of empathy has been studied mainly in Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Daniel Grühn, North Carolina State University, Department of Psychology, 640 Poe Hall, Campus Box 7650, Raleigh, NC 27695. E-mail: E-mail: dgruehn@ncsu.edu. Daniel Grühn is now at the Department of Psychology, North Carolina State University. NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptEmotion. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 April 17. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript childhood and adolescence rather than adulthood and old age (e.g., Eisenberg & Fabes, 1990;Hoffman, 2000;Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, Wagner, & Chapman, 1992). Overall, this research has shown that precursors of empathy-related abilities appear quite early in life in the form of simple emotional contagion (e.g., Hoffman, 1977Hoffman, , 2000Singer, 2006) and develop in more complex forms in childhood and adolescence in tandem with major progressions in cognitive and emotional development (e.g., Eisenberg, 2000). Some lifespan researchers (Erikson, 1968;Vaillant, 197...

In this research, the authors hypothesize that affect regulation involves 2 independent strategies: affect optimization, the tendency to constrain affect to positive values, and affect complexity, the amplification of affect in the search for differentiation and objectivity. Community residents age 15 to 86 were assessed by using 2 convergent measurement domains: 1 based on measures of positive-negative affect and cognitive-affective complexity and 1 based on measures of coping and defense. Both domains yielded the hypothesized affect optimization and affect complexity dimensions. As predicted, the affect optimization dimensions are primarily related to relationship quality variables, and the affect complexity dimensions to socioeconomic status and education. Hence, positive affect and its maximization have different significance in the context of high- or low-affect complexity.

Emotional complexity has been regarded as one correlate of adaptive emotion regulation in adulthood. One novel and potentially valuable approach to operationalizing emotional complexity is to use reports of emotions obtained repeatedly in real time, which can generate a number of potential time-based indicators of emotional complexity. It is not known, however, how these indicators relate to each other, to other measures of affective complexity, such as those derived from a cognitive-developmental view of emotional complexity, or to measures of adaptive functioning, such as well-being. A sample of 109 adults, aged 23 to 90 years, participated in an experience-sampling study and reported their negative and positive affect five times a day for one week. Based on these reports, we calculated nine different time-based indicators potentially reflecting emotional complexity. Analyses showed three major findings: First, the indicators showed a diverse pattern of interrelations suggestive of four distinct components of emotional complexity. Second, age was generally not related to time-based indicators of emotional complexity; however, older adults showed overall low variability in negative affect. Third, time-based indicators of emotional complexity were either unrelated or inversely related to measures of adaptive functioning; that is, these measures tended to predict a less adaptive profile, such as lower subjective and psychological well-being. In sum, time-based indicators of emotional complexity displayed a more complex and less beneficial picture than originally thought. In particular, variability in negative affect seems to indicate suboptimal adjustments. Future research would benefit from collecting empirical data for the interrelations and correlates of time-based indicators of emotional complexity in different contexts.

Self-descriptions of emotions in 72 participants aged 10 to 77 were assessed. Responses were reliably scored in terms of a 4-level cognitive-developmental coding scheme for each of 4 emotions: anger, sadness, fear, and happiness. Results showed that those younger or lower in ego level and verbal ability described emotions in terms of sensorimotor actions, outer appearance, conventional and technical descriptions, rigid impulse monitoring, and an emphasis on control and the ideal. Those older or of higher ego level and verbal ability conveyed a vivid sense of the experience, had explicit knowledge of bodily sensations, accepted conflict within self and others, and displayed flexibility and delay of action. These findings suggest that understanding of emotions develops along a dimension of cognitive complexity over the life span. This dimension, in turn, is related to life span changes in coping and defense.