Memory for proper names was investigated using (i) a questionnaire and (ii) an experimental task. Subjects ranging in age from 20 to 80 years recorded details of naturally occurring retrieval blocks for proper names. Age differences in the nature of the blocks were apparent. For the young and middle‐aged partial information about the target name was usually available and non‐target candidates were elicited during search for the target name. Elderly subjects more frequently experienced an ‘empty gap’, with no partial information about the target name and no candidate names. The experimental task required recall of names and descriptions from specially constructed fictional biographies. There was an age‐related deficit in recall of all types of information, but in all age groups memory for names of people was poorer than memory for names of places, occupations and hobbies. Some explanations for the difficulty of retrieving people's names and for the age effects are considered.

Age differences in memory for the source of memories were investigated using two different experimental paradigms. Experiment 1 used a reality monitoring paradigm. A series of actions were either performed, imagined, or watched, and subjects were later tested for their ability to recognize the actions and identify their origins. Elderly subjects made more false positive responses than did young subjects, and they made more source confusion errors, attributing actions to the wrong sources. Both new and imagined actions were most often misclassified as watched. Experiment 2 used an eyewitness testimony paradigm. After watching a film, subjects read a written version of the story. A recognition test showed that elderly subjects were more often misled by false information in the story than were the younger subjects, and were more confident that their erroneous responses were correct. The findings suggest that a decline in memory for sources may diminish the accuracy of elderly witnesses.

First-year psychology students took multiple-choice examinations following each of 4 lecture courses and 3 laboratory research methods courses. One lecture course was later retested. Students indicated state of memory awareness accompanying each answer: recollective experience (remember), "just know" (know), feeling of familiarity (familiarity), or guess. On the lecture courses, higher performing students differed from other students because they had more remember responses. On research methods, higher performing students differed because they knew more, and in the delayed retest, higher performing students differed because they now knew rather than remembered more. These findings demonstrate a shift from remembering to knowing, dependent upon level attained, type of course, and retention interval, and suggest an underlying shift hi knowledge representation from episodic to semantic memory. The authors discuss theoretical and educational implications of the findings.

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Former students (N = 373) of a course in cognitive psychology (CP), conducted between 1978 and 1989, completed memory tests to assess retention of CP. Memory for proper names of researchers, concepts, and conceptual relations varied with retention interval (RI), and memory performance declined over the first 36 months of retention and then stabilized at above-chance levels for the remainder of the retention period. Memory for general facts from the course and research methods did not, however, vary with RI and remained at the same above-chance level across all RIs sampled. The recall and recognition of proper names showed a more rapid decline than the recall and recognition of concepts. These findings suggest that knowledge structures formed at acquisition mediate the very long-term retention of CP. Also, Ss with higher grades retained more knowledge than Ss with lower grades. Finally, a dissociation between memory performance and confidence ratings indicates that at the longer RIs, Ss were unaware that course material was accurately remembered.During the process of formal education many topics are learned in great detail, some even to expert levels, but subsequently many of these knowledge domains are utilized only rarely or remain wholly unused. What is the fate of such knowledge? Is it rapidly forgotten? Is it selectively forgotten with, for instance, details being lost first and more general aspects being retained longer? Does initial depth of learning determine the period of retention? And do such factors as motivation or interest in a knowledge domain significantly influence retention? Finally, is retention affected by the process of aging? For example, after a long retention period, does a person's age at retrieval influence memory performance? The cross-sectional study reported in this article addresses these questions by investigating the retention of cognitive psychology acquired by university students who took a course in cognitive psychology in one of the years between 1978 and 1989 (inclusive). However, before considering the study in detail, we first review the seminal work of Bahrick (e.g., 1979Bahrick (e.g., , 1983Bahrick (e.g., , 1984 that has already begun to provide answers to some of the aforementioned questions and that provided the impetus for the present research. Very Long-Term Retention of KnowledgeIn their research, Bahrick and his colleagues investigated the very long-term retention of various types of knowledge acquired outside laboratory settings. For example, Bahrick, This research was supported by Economic and Social Research Council of Great Britain Grant R000231158.All of us contributed equally to the study. We thank Philip Levy for considerable help with the analyses reported in the article. We also thank Harry P. Bahrick and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on the article.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Martin A. Conway, Department of Psychology, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA 1 4YF England. Bahrick, and Wittlinger (1975) ...