Welensky, of course, was not a former colonial governor, but the Prime Minister of the Federation of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland between 1956 and 1963, the year of its demise. 'Let's see if they award a Freedom medal to yet another ancient leftover who has just been discovered to have thrown a stone at the colonial government in 1960' […] 'Lucky the old boy didn't get killed by his own stone when it came back down again', [Kalaki] replied. 'But why can't we find heroic stone throwers nowadays?' 'The heroic age of the stone thrower is over', explained Amock. 'Nowadays they are called terrorists, traitors, usurpers, rioters, anarchists or coup plotters. After 1964, all stone throwing became a criminal activity […] nowadays you can become a hero by arresting a stone thrower, not being one. By arresting a stone thrower you are defending our freedom. That's the way to get a medal, and become a freedom fighter'. 'But where', wondered Sara, 'is this freedom that these heroes are defending?' 'There it is!' laughed Jennifer, pointing at the TV. 'The ruling class are keeping it safe, there in State House. They have the freedom to feed each other cake. Freedom to drink, and freedom to dance. They have the freedom to educate their children in England, buy their clothes in Paris, and seek medical attention in South Africa'. 'Just like the previous white elite!' snorted Sara. 'Of course', said Jennifer. 'Our gallant freedom fighters chased out the white elite and replaced it with our own elite. That was the whole idea! Wasn't that enough for you?' 7Although far from being fully entrenched and institutionalized (the author of the above piece, Englishman Roy Clark, has repeatedly been threatened with deportation), this freedom of expression belies the extravagant claims of popu-7
Based on a close reading of new archival material, this article makes a case for the adoption of an empirical, 'sub-systemic' approach to the study of nationalist and postcolonial politics in Zambia. By exploring the notion of popular 'expectations of independence' to a much greater degree than did previous studies, the paper contends that the extent of UNIP's political hegemony in the immediate post-independence era has been grossly overrated -even in a traditional rural stronghold of the party and during a favourable economic cycle. In the second part of the paper, the diplomatic and ethnic manoeuvres of the ruler of the eastern Lunda kingdom of Kazembe are set against a background of increasing popular disillusionment with the performance of the independent government.
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