This paper revisits Glasgow, European City of Culture 1990, and considers the main criticisms made of Glasgow's cultural policy as urban renewal strategy. It argues that while many of the criticisms made by opposition groups such as Workers' City were valid, and largely supported by the economic and social problems that have faced the City since 1990, nonetheless it also suggests that this critical response itself needs to be subjected to more thorough scrutiny. The paper claims that flagship cultural events can do little but gloss over and divert attention away from the major structural problems which characterise many ex-industrial cities and concludes by arguing that the lessons of Glasgow's experience are also very relevant for other cities such as Liverpool that are also increasingly embracing cultural policy as a route to urban transformation.
Focusing on Glasgow's East End, home to the 2014 Commonwealth Games, this paper explores the ways in which narratives of decline, 'blight' and decay play a central role in stigmatising the local population. 'Glasgow East' represents the new urban frontier in a city that has been heralded in recent decades as a model of successful post-industrial transformation. Utilising Löic Wacquant's arguments about advanced marginality and territorial stigmatisation in the urban context, we argue that narratives of decline and redevelopment are part of a wider ideological onslaught on the local population, intended to pave the way for low grade and flexible forms of employment, for punitive workfare schemes and for upwards rent restructuring. To this end, the media and politicians have played a particularly important role in constructing Glasgow East as a marker of a 'broken Britain'. While the focus of this paper is on Glasgow's East End, the arguments therein have a wider UK and global resonance, reflected in the numerous cases whereby stigmatised locales of relegation are being re-imagined as elements in wider processes of neo-liberalisation in the city.
Through a focus on "consumer-citizenship" this paper foregrounds the class practices inherent in urban regeneration. Using Glasgow's 2014 Commonwealth Games (CWGs) as an illustrative example of regeneration, it seeks to highlight the market-led processes that underpin state interventions. The paper demonstrates how these processes are implemented to transform "problem people, and problem places" (Damer 1989, From Moorepark to "Wine Alley") into sites of "active" consumption and "responsible" citizenship. Yet, access to this "consumer citizenship" is stratified. In doing so, we synthesise conceptual insights from the Marxist-influenced gentrification literature and the Foucauldian-inspired housing renewal literature. We forward this to initiate further academic debate and empirical enquiry on the specific issue of mega sporting events.
This paper reappraises the meaning of space and place in contemporary class analysis. We explore how class is reshaped and mediated by neoliberal urban restructuring, of which the processes of gentrification and territorial stigmatization form critical parts. We focus on the contemporary interrelation of class and urban restructuring in the post-crash city by looking at the local lived experiences of the 2014 Commonwealth Games (CWG) in Glasgow’s East End. This high-profile regeneration effort in a deprived working-class neighbourhood reveals much about the functions of neoliberal financial capitalism, austerity and contemporary class formation. We show that gentrification and territorial stigmatization work in tandem within urban regeneration policy interventions as a punitive strategy for managing poor populations. This involves land value and (de)valuing of people and creates new localized class inequalities and insecurities. Our research highlights that in the face of national level cuts and commodification, residents’ local relations and support become essential social, economic and political resources. Yet, paradoxically, at the very same time, their local attachment to place is devalued, stigmatized and is at its most precarious. This exposes the coercive elements of the neoliberal class project; a distinct urban class inequality of our time and therefore, we suggest, a critical direction in class analysis.
This paper introduces the themed section of Critical Social Policy on social housing, privatization and neoliberalism. In tracing the key elements in the development of privatization and residualization since 1979, it argues that these can only be fully understood as part of a wider neoliberalizing agenda, an agenda that is driven by a particular class project. The paper also seeks to re-assert the importance of a critical approach to successive decades of social housing policies in the devolved UK, arguing that the classed basis of housing privatization policies has been largely overlooked by academics in favour of an evolutionary and ‘modernizing’ framework which isolates developments in social housing provision from other wider shifts in social welfare and in labour markets. Understanding such processes, it is claimed, is a necessary step in the development of a more socially just and sustainable form of housing provision.
This paper questions the extent to which a distinctively Scottish social welfare policy has emerged post-Devolution. Exploring the myths that continue to pervade the discussion and analysis of Scottish society today, it is argued that the scope for policy departure is limited in a number of different ways. While acknowledging that there are important institutional and implementation differences that can and do affect the delivery of welfare in Scotland and England, nonetheless the paper argues that there is a need to acknowledge the similarities between New Labour policy in London and in Edinburgh, to go beyond narrow institutional-centred approaches and to explore both the social relations that underpin and shape the delivery of social policy and the mounting contradictions that are at the heart of the New Labour project.
This paper considers some of the ways in which representations of people experiencing poverty and disadvantaged places continue to be informed by ideas of individual inadequacy, dependency and disorder. Drawing on media reportage of poverty during the Glasgow East by-election in July 2008, it argues not only that people defined as 'poor' and locales that are severely disadvantaged continue to be 'othered' through such narratives, but also that this provides a clear indication of the ways in which the politics of poverty and state welfare are increasingly being fought-out in the media. It is argued that such misrecognition amounts to social injustice and stands in the way of progressive approaches to poverty and social welfare.
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