This article details the transformation of the urban rust belt over the course of economic restructuring. It begins by building typologies of cities at the starting point of restructuring and by showing how cities vary in socioeconomic performance by the endpoint. Multiple methods and data sources are then used to provide a general and detailed story of change for successful and unsuccessful performers. Results show that, in general, deindustrialization is not associated with performance. However, manufacturing still matters. Detailed stories show successful cities of one type have diversified manufacturing, becoming post‐industrial producers. Successful cities of another type have specialized, retaining old manufacturing in branch plants. For the first type of city, policies aimed at developing the labor force and encouraging collaboration between local manufacturers is recommended. For the second type, policies targeted at improving the local business climate are encouraged. Results also show all unsuccessful cities have become healthcare‐based economies.
In this article, I use New Orleans’ experiences pre- and post-Katrina, as well as information on other cities exposed to shocks, to develop and advance an original explanation for urban resiliency. The explanation suggests that economic origins influence elite commitment to and participation within cities, thereby influencing the city’s ability to redefine itself after experiencing an exogenous shock, whether it be a natural disaster, economic crisis, or any other threat. I show that New Orleans’ economic origins were incompatible with the production of an elite that showed place commitment, which was needed for leadership and resources to recreate the city after Katrina. New Orleans’ development mirrors that of other cities that have proven not to be durable. As a result, the city “came back” from Katrina as a smaller and more socially challenged version of its old self—a city still split by racial inequality. Thus, despite its climb out of the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina and the levee failures, New Orleans is not resilient. I conclude by reiterating the importance of leadership in building resiliency, especially in a place that is more likely than most others to experience a disaster.
The authors examine children's access to and caregiver's satisfaction with organizations that provide leisure time activities for children on Saturdays. The authors argue that access and satisfaction are a function of families' financial, cultural, and social capital. Using data on 1,036 households in the Phoenix metropolitan area in 2003-04, the authors found that families'financial and cultural capital affected whether or not children participated in activities organized by organizations, but family ties to the organization directly (e.g., either worked there, volunteered, donated) resulted in caregivers being more satisfied with the services. The authors also found that the benefits of network closure (caregivers knowing the parents of the other children on site) were greater the riskier the activities of the child (e.g., sports or cheerleading). Contrary to the authors' expectations, having family or friends in the area did not affect caregiver's satisfaction with the child's provider.
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