Previous research suggests that ideology, material interests, and moral values drive citizens’ preferences over foreign aid policy. Little attention has been paid to how perceptions of the international environment affect these preferences. We examine the extent to which citizens in a traditional donor country consider donor competition when deciding whether to impose aid sanctions on governments engaged in human rights violations. Employing an information experiment conducted among Japanese adults, we find that the prospect of another donor ready to act as a substitute aid-provider reduces support for the use of aid sanctions. This effect runs most strongly through a pathway privileging security concerns, and the effect is larger among respondents who have preexisting concerns about the other donor. These results highlight the way in which public desires for foreign aid to bring about material returns can hinder a government’s ability to use aid to promote good governance ends.
This study provides preliminary evidence regarding associations between socioeconomic inequalities and variations in the number of COVID-19 confirmed cases across 923 municipalities in Catalonia, Spain, as of the 14th of May, 2020. We consider three types of inequalities at municipality-level: 1) economic development, i.e., unemployment rate, average income, immigrants proportion, and the prevalence of small residence; 2) health vulnerability, i.e., crude death rate and the proportion of elderly (aged 65 +) population; and 3) information communication, i.e., the proportion of people with tertiary education. In addition to the static analysis with the total sum of COVID-19 cases, the dynamic analysis with daily moving weekly sum of cases is conducted. The result draws a rather complex picture of relationships between contextual socioeconomic inequalities and the spread of COVID-19. Many indicators of economic inequalities imply the opposite relationship as intuitively suggested: economically disadvantaged municipalities tend to have less cases of confirmed infection than economically advantaged counterparts. The implications from health inequality indicators show mixed patterns: crude death rate is positively associated, but elderly population is negatively associated, with the number of confirmed cases. The indicator of information inequality shows a consistent tendency, i.e., municipalities with more university educated have less confirmed cases, but this tendency transforms across time: the negative association is particularly strong during the first month of Spanish “state of alarm” measure (mid-March to mid-April). Our evidence suggests the need for more careful consideration regarding the association between socioeconomic inequalities and the regional progression of COVID-19 pandemic.
Objective:This study examines whether hereditary constitutional monarchs have any influence on democratic public opinion, focusing on the case of the Japanese emperor. Methods: A survey experiment on the regulation of public expression. This issue can be framed both as left wing (i.e., the regulation of hate speech) and right wing (i.e., the regulation of publicly funded anti-nationalistic exhibitions). Taking advantage of the dual nature of the issue, we test the effects of the emperor's endorsement on support for regulation under each ideological frame. Results: The (former) emperor's endorsement for freedom of expression does have a cross-cutting effect and decreases support for regulation. This effect is relatively small but statistically significant. Additionally, the findings provide weak evidence for the emperor's own ideological position conditioning his endorsement effect. Conclusion: Hereditary monarchs do influence democratic public opinion, and their influence can cross-cut ideology. KEYWORDS constitutional monarch, emperor, endorsement, freedom of expression, Japan, public opinion, survey experiment Some present-day advanced democracies assign a strictly nonpolitical role to a certain powerful ruler such as monarch, that is, a hereditary head of state. Such political systems are called constitutional monarchies; some typical examples of these include the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Japan. In constitutional monarchies, although monarchs "often have constitutional prerogatives that are similar to those of powerful presidents, such as the power of governmental dismissal, their constitutional status ensures that they are in no position to use these powers" (Schleiter and Morgan-Jones 2009:499). 1 Forbidden to 1 Constitutional monarchs do exist in some developing democracies, for example, Thailand, and they may have opportunities and incentives to exercise strong political powers (Inata 2021). However, we focus on constitutional monarchs in advanced democracies.
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