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Today, ethno-pharmacology is a very important resource in order to discover new therapies for the current diseases. Moreover, another good justification for the ethno-pharmacological approach is to obtain new, effective, less expensive and simple therapies, limiting at the same time the cost of pharmaceutical research. Two major anti-malarial drugs widely used today, i.e. quinine and artemisinin, came respectively from Peruvian and Chinese ancestral treatments reported in the traditional medicines. In this contest, there is an urgent need for the discovery of new drugs, due to the critical epidemiological situation of this disease and to the growth of resistances. In Mali, malaria and liver diseases remain one of the leading public health problems. Many medicinal plants are often used, in local traditional medicine, for the treatment at the same time of malaria and liver diseases, including hepatic syndromes, jaundice, hepatitis and other hepatic disorders. Moreover, in the local language Bamanan, the word “ Sumaya” is used both for malaria and some liver diseases. In addition, we noted that some of the improved traditional phytomedicines produced by the Department of Traditional Medicine are prescribed by modern doctors both for malaria and liver diseases. In this review, pharmacological, toxicological and phytochemical data on Argemone mexicana L. (Papaveraceae), Cochlospermum tinctorium Perr. ex A. Rich (Cochlospermaceae), Combretum micranthum G.Don (Combretaceae), Entada africana Guillet Perr. (Mimosaceae), Erythrina senegalensis A. DC (Fabaceae), Mitragyna inermis (Willd) Kuntze (Rubiaceae), Nauclea latifolia Smith syn. Sarcocephalus latifolius (Smith) Bruce (Rubiaceae), Securidaca longepedunculata Fresen (Polygalaceae), Trichilia emetica Vahl. (Meliaceae), and Vernonia colorata (Willd) Drake (Asteraceae) are reported. Some of the collected data could be used to improve the actual herbal drugs and to propose new phytomedicines for the management of malaria and liver diseases.

Background In Lao PDR, the Hmong ethnic group has extensive knowledge about the use of medicinal plants. However, despite the importance of the Hmong pharmacopeia as a primary health care resource, no study has been undertaken to thoroughly document medicinal plant knowledge and its transmission. Objectives of this study are (i) to describe and characterize Hmong pharmacopeia, and (ii) to understand how medicinal plant knowledge is transmitted and spread among Hmong in Lao PDR, in order to assess whether this knowledge base is under threat. Methods In order to describe Hmong pharmacopeia, a total of 14 interlocutors were interviewed in three provinces (Bokeo, Xieng Khouang, and Vientiane), using “walk in the wood” methodology. To gain insight about knowledge transmission, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 28 people. Twenty of them were herbalists. Data analysis was performed using univariate analysis for the description of the pharmacopeia. Medicinal plant knowledge consistency was assessed through use and plant name overlapping. Answers to the semi-structured interview on knowledge transmission were analyzed qualitatively. Results Three hundred thirty-three different medicinal species were collected. The majority of uses attributed to plants were gastrointestinal conditions (22% of total use reports), gynecological conditions and sexually transmitted disease (12%), skin affections (8%), kidney and bladder problems (5%), physical traumas (5%), and aphrodisiac (or male tonics; 5%). Use convergences are more marked in the gynecological sphere, but there is a strong heterogeneity in practices and knowledge. Medicinal plant knowledge transmission is oral, gained from direct experience since childhood, matrilineal, and kept strictly within the family lineage. Apparent limited consensus on uses might stem from the method of knowledge transmission and to the economic value given to medicinal plants. Discussion Use pattern of species from the Hmong pharmacopeia does not appear to be strikingly different from the national Lao pharmacopeia. Differences may lie in the methods and reasons for knowledge transmission. It can be proposed that the economic value given to plants helps in keeping the knowledge alive, and encourages its transmission. Conclusion Hmong traditional medicine is constantly evolving in a dynamic process and aims to respond to health problems faced by the local population. Herbalists appear as health fully fledged actors and should be recognized and valued as such. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1186/s13002-019-0307-2) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.