This paper presents costs of fatal and non-fatal injuries for the construction industry using 2002 national incidence data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and a comprehensive cost model that includes direct medical costs, indirect losses in wage and household productivity, as well as an estimate of the quality of life costs due to injury. Costs are presented at the three-digit industry level, by worker characteristics, and by detailed source and event of injury. The total costs of fatal and nonfatal injuries in the construction industry were estimated at $11.5 billion in 2002, 15% of the costs for all private industry. The average cost per case of fatal or nonfatal injury is $27,000 in construction, almost double the per-case cost of $15,000 for all industry in 2002. Five industries accounted for over half the industry's total fatal and non-fatal injury costs. They were miscellaneous special trade contractors (SIC 179), followed by plumbing, heating and air-conditioning (SIC 171), electrical work (SIC 173), heavy construction except highway (SIC 162), and residential building construction (SIC 152), each with over $1 billion in costs.

Objective To examine whether the relationship between Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and health outcomes is similar across states and persists net of ACEs associations with smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity. Methods We use data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System for 14 states. Logistic regressions yield estimates of the direct associations of ACEs exposure with health outcomes net of health risk factors, and indirect ACEs-health associations via health risk factors. Models were estimated for California (N = 22,475) and pooled data from 13 states (N = 110,076), and also separately by state. Results Exposure to ACEs is associated with significantly higher odds of smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity. Net of these health risk factors, there was a significant and graded relationship in California and the pooled 13-state data between greater ACEs exposure and odds of depression, asthma, COPD, arthritis, and cardiovascular disease. Four or more ACEs were less consistently associated across states with cancer and diabetes and a dose-response relationship was also not present. There was a wide range across individual states in the percentage change in health outcomes predicted for exposure to 4+ ACEs. ACEs-related smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity explain a large and significant proportion of 4+ ACEs associations with COPD and cardiovascular disease, however some effect, absent of risk behavior, remained. Conclusions ACE's associations with most of the health conditions persist independent of behavioral pathways but only asthma, arthritis, COPD, cardiovascular disease, and depression consistently exhibit a dose-response relationship. Our results suggest that attention to child

Background Research measuring levels of enforcement has investigated whether increases in police activities (e.g., checkpoints, driving-while-intoxicated [DWI] special patrols) above some baseline level are associated with reduced crashes and fatalities. Little research, however, has attempted to quantitatively measure enforcement efforts and relate different enforcement levels to specific levels of the prevalence of alcohol-impaired driving. Objective The objective of this study was to investigate the effects of law-enforcement intensity in a sample of communities on the rate of crashes involving a drinking driver. We analyzed the influence of different enforcement strategies and measures: (1) specific deterrence -annual number of driving-under-the-influence (DUI) arrests per capita; (2) general deterrence -frequency of sobriety checkpoint operations; (3) highly visible traffic enforcement -annual number of traffic stops per capita; (4) enforcement presence - number of sworn officers per capita; and (5) overall traffic enforcement - the number of other traffic enforcement citations per capita (i.e., seat belt citations, speeding tickets, and other moving violations and warnings) in each community. Methods We took advantage of nationwide data on the local prevalence of impaired driving from the 2007 National Roadside Survey (NRS), measures of DUI enforcement activity provided by the police departments that participated in the 2007 NRS, and crashes from the General Estimates System (GES) in the same locations as the 2007 NRS. We analyzed the relationship between the intensity of enforcement and the prevalence of impaired driving crashes in 22 to 26 communities with complete data. Log-linear regressions were used throughout the study. Results A higher number of DUI arrests per 10,000 driving-aged population was associated with a lower ratio of drinking-driver crashes to non-drinking-driver crashes (p=0.035) when controlling for the percentage of legally intoxicated drivers on the roads surveyed in the community from the 2007 NRS. Results indicate that a 10% increase in the DUI arrest rate is associated with a 1% reduction in the drinking driver crash rate. Similar results were obtained for an increase in the number of sworn officers per 10,000 driving-age population. Discussion While a higher DUI arrest rate was associated with a lower drinking-driver crash rate, sobriety checkpoints did not have a significant relationship to drinking-driver crashes. This appeared to be due to the fact that only 3% of the on-the-road drivers were exposed to frequent sobriety checkpoints (only 1 of 36 police agencies where we received enforcement data conducted checkpoints weekly). This low-use strategy is symptomatic of the general decline in checkpoint use in the U.S. since the 1980s and 1990s when the greatest declines in alcohol-impaired-driving fatal crashes occurred. The overall findings in this study may help law enforcement agencies around the country adjust their traffic enforcement intensity in order to reduce im...

The following article refers to this text: 2009;35(6):401-484