The general decline in fertility levels in Pacific Asia has in its vanguard countries where fertility rates are among the lowest in the world. A related trend is toward delayed marriage and nonmarriage. When prevalence of cohabitation in European countries is allowed for, levels of "effective singlehood" in many countries of Pacific Asia have run ahead of those in northern and western Europe. This raises questions about the extent to which delayed marriage has been implicated in fertility declines, and whether the same factors are leading both to delayed marriage and to lowered fertility within marriage. The article argues that involuntary nonmarriage is likely to be more common in Pacific Asia than in Western countries, and that resultant involuntary childlessness plays a substantial role in the low fertility rates currently observed. Copyright 2007 The Population Council, Inc..

Childbearing behavior in East Asian countries has changed rapidly during the past half century from an average of five to seven children per family, to replacement-level fertility, and subsequently to unprecedentedly low levels, the lowest in the world. This article analyzes fertility trends in Hong Kong, Japan, singapore, south Korea, and Taiwan using cohort fertility data and methods, then examines social and economic causes of the childbearing trends, and surveys policies pursued to reverse the fertility trends. Postponement of childbearing started in the 1970s with continuously fewer delayed births being "recuperated," which resulted in ultra-low fertility. A rapid expansion of education and employment among women in a patriarchal environment has generated a stark dilemma for women who would like to combine childbearing with a career. Policy responses have been slow, with a more serious attempt to address issues in recent years. Thus far public and private institutions are not devoting sufficient attention to generating broad social change supportive of parenting.

This paper gives an overview on international marriage in East and Southeast Asia. It first reviews the available data on the incidence and trends of transnational marriage. It then discusses the factors generally cited as contributing to the rising incidence of international marriage in the region: the increased mobility of population, particularly with respect to tourism, business travel, short-term employment and international study; and marriage market issues in a number of countries of the region, leading to deliberate and targeted search for spouses in other countries. It also reviews the types of international marriages in the region, including the national, ethnic and social characteristics of spouses in such marriages. Finally, it discusses the issues and problems covered and not (or inadequately) covered in the literature of international marriage in East and Southeast Asia in relation to the questions of rights and of the boundaries and sovereignty of the state.

This introductory article provides some comparative background on marriage trends in Asia, to show where the countries included in this special issue fit into overall Asian and international patterns. It also notes the contribution of different chapters to our understanding of these issues. This special issue gives readers a taste of the diversity of Asia, by including articles on countries from Turkey in the west to the Philippines in the east, two of Asia's three largest countries-China and Indonesia-and a country in South Asia-Sri Lanka. The articles examine the trends in marriage and explore the possible factors contributing to these trends in different national circumstances. We explore why, although similar forces continue to shape changes in Asian societies, including the institution of marriage, sharp differences in marriage patterns and systems persist throughout the region. Finally, we note limitations in extant literature and speculate about future marriage trends in Asia.

No abstract

ear-universal marriage characterized most Asian countries in the past. Over the past two decades, however, there has been a dramatic increase in the proportions of women remaining single in their 30s and 40s in many East and South-east Asian countries, especially in their big cities. In 2000, 17 per cent of women aged 45-49 in Bangkok remained single, 13 per cent in Singapore and 10 per cent of Chinese women in Kuala Lumpur. The proportions remaining single were particularly high among tertiary educated women. As educational levels keep rising, this alone will tend to increase the proportion of women remaining single near the end of their reproductive life.High non-marriage rates are not confined to any one religious or ethnic group. By the same token, the trends are not monolithic throughout the region. Even in the Philippines and Thailand, which are both characterized by relatively high proportions of women non-married in their 30s and 40s, the path by which these high proportions were reached differed. The 2000 Census data do show sharp increases in proportions non-married among women in their 30s in some countries where non-marriage rates were low, notably the Republic of Korea and Indonesia.This paper describes the trends in delayed marriage and non-marriage in the region, for both men and women. It assesses likely reasons for these trends, discusses community reactions to the trends, and considers some of the likely implications for women's place in family and society, for trends in fertility, and for the family role in aged care. A number of policy issues resulting from the trends in non-marriage are discussed.

Southeast and South Asia are home to one-third of the world's population. Their great economic and cultural diversity makes generalization about family patterns and trends hazardous. We review literature on trends in fertility, marriage, divorce, and living arrangements in the past half century. The explanations for these trends focus on structural and ideological changes related to socioeconomic development; cultural factors including kinship system, religion, and ethnicity; and public policies. While the impact of rapid modernization and related ideational changes are evident, there are also changes—or a lack thereof—that cannot be explained by development and may be attributable to historical and cultural factors that have shaped family norms in the region. The following trends are evident: ( a) fertility is declining and age at marriage is rising, although teenage and arranged marriages remain common in South Asia, ( b) a majority of the elderly continue to live with or are supported by their children, and ( c) divorce and out-of-wedlock childbearing remain relatively rare.

No abstract