Technology has transformed how people interact with one another. According to two recent Pew Research Center surveys (2021a; 2021b), 97 per cent of United States adults have a cell phone, 85 per cent have a smartphone, 93 per cent use the Internet, and 77 per cent have broadband Internet access at home. The Internet has opened countless doors by providing unprecedented access to information and connecting people. While we know from laboratory research that context and collaboration can influence memory, little is known about how virtual collaboration affects memory and whether in-person studies generalise to virtual contexts. In this article, we discuss the challenges, value, and broader relevance of extending laboratory-based memory research to online platforms. In doing so, we report a virtual collaborative memory paradigm, where we examine individual and social remembering in a fully online, chat-based setting, and present data from two completely virtual experiments. In Experiment 1, online participants studied a word list and, in a chatroom, recalled the words either alone (as controls) or with two other participants. Surprisingly, collaborative inhibition – the robust finding of lower recall in collaborative groups than controls – disappeared. This outcome occurred because participants who worked alone recalled less than what we see in in-person studies. In Experiment 2, where instructions were modified and an experimenter was present, individual performance improved, resulting in collaborative inhibition. We reflect on the contextualised nature of this effect in online settings, for both collaborative and individual remembering, and on the implications for the study of memory in the digital age.

Collaborative recall synchronizes downstream individual retrieval processes, giving rise to collective organization. However, little is known about whether particular stimulus features (e.g., semantic relatedness) are necessary for constructing collective organization and how group dynamics (e.g., reconfiguration) moderates it. We leveraged novel quantitative measures and a rich dataset reported in recent articles to address, (a) whether collective organization emerges even for semantically unrelated material and (b) how group reconfiguration—changing partners from one recall to the next—influences collective organization. Participants studied unrelated words and completed three consecutive recalls in one of three conditions: Always recalling individually (III), collaborating with the same partners twice before recalling alone (CCI), or collaborating with different group members during two initial recalls, before recalling alone (CRI). Collective organization increased significantly following any collaboration (CCI or CRI), relative to “groups” who never collaborated (III). Interestingly, collaborating repeatedly with the same partners (CCI) did not increase collective organization compared to reconfigured groups, irrespective of the reference group structure (from Recall 1 or 2). Individuals, however, did tend to base their final individual retrieval on the most recent group recall. We discuss how the fundamental processes that underlie dynamic social interactions align the cognitive processes of many, laying the foundation for other collective phenomena, including shared biases, attitudes, and beliefs.

The opportunities for people to connect with others and build collective narratives of the past have increased over time, and these opportunities have catapulted to a global level with the advent of the internet and social media. As the theme of this book asks, How is it then that in this era of globalization, there is a rise of populism and nationalism? This chapter approaches this question from a cognitive psychological perspective to explore the nature of group-level memory representation. A key antecedent process called collaborative remembering is explored to understand how memories converge in groups and how shared memory representations can come to vary across different groups and contexts. This chapter identifies specific cognitive mechanisms that are activated during collaborative remembering and that lead to memory reconstruction, ultimately giving rise to collective memories. It discusses four attributes of collective memory formation: who talks to whom, who knows what, aligned memories structures, and emotional valence of information. It is concluded that by linking aligned memory structures to the idea of narrative forms as cultural tools, aligned memory structures may serve as laboratory analogs to understand the building blocks of collective memory.

Memory researchers and theorists have long advanced the idea that the manner in which information is retrieved is critical. The way retrieval unfolds provides critical insights into how memories are organized and accessed—an important aspect of memory missed by focusing only on quantity. Cognitive studies of memory in social contexts, deploying the collaborative memory paradigm, have also noted the importance of such retrieval organization. Such memory studies often focus on how relative to “groups” that never collaborated, former members of collaborating groups recall more of the same material (collective memory) and they do so in a more synchronized fashion (collective retrieval organization). In this review, we leverage the diverse methodological and quantitative toolkits that have traditionally targeted individual retrieval to highlight the ways in which this social memory research has examined collective memory and collective retrieval organization. To that end, we consider how the collaborative memory paradigm has integrated methods, such as free recall, that afford rich assessments of retrieval organization. Likewise, we consider the application of metrics that characterize organization patterns in different contexts. With this background in mind, we discuss the important theoretical and broader implications of research on collective memory and collective retrieval organization. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Memory

Older adults exhibit an age-related positivity effect, with more positivity for memories than young adults. Theoretical explanations attribute this phenomenon to greater emphasis on emotion regulation and well-being due to shortened time horizons. Adults, across the lifespan, also exhibit a collective negativity bias (more negativity about their country than their personal past and future) and a future-oriented positivity bias (more positivity for future projections than for memories). Threats to global health (e.g., the COVID-19 pandemic) may shorten future time horizons which may serve to impact emotional valence for memories and future projections. We investigated this possibility in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic in young, middle-aged, and older adults (N = 434; age: 18−81 years), for positive and negative events in the past (2019) and future (2021) in the personal and collective domains, as well as for future excitement and worry in these same domains in 1 week, 1 year, and 5–10 years’ time. We replicated the collective negativity bias and future-oriented positivity bias, indicating the robustness of these phenomena. However, the pattern of age-related positivity diverged for personal events such that young adults exhibited similar positivity to older adults and more positivity than middle-aged adults. Finally, consistent with theoretical proposals of better emotion regulation with age, older adults reported more muted excitement and worry for the long-term future compared to young adults. We discuss the implications of this work for understanding valence-based biases in memory and future projections across the adult lifespan.