The aim of our paper is to gain insight in the desistance process of drug-using offenders. We explore the components of change in the desistance process of drug-using offenders by using the cognitive transformation theory of Giordano et al. as a theoretical framework. The desistance process of drug-using offenders entails a two-fold process: desistance of criminal offending and recovery. The results however indicate that desistance is subordinate to recovery because of the fact that drug-using offenders especially see themselves as drug users and not as “criminals.” Their first goal was to start recovery from drug use. They were convinced that recovery from drug use would lead them to a stop in their offending. In the discussion, we explore the implications of this result for further research.

The recovery paradigm is a widely accepted strength-based approach in general mental health care. Particular challenges arise when applying this paradigm in a forensic context. To address these issues, the present study examined recovery based on first-person narratives of offenders formerly labeled as not criminally responsible of whom the judicial measure was abrogated. Eleven in-depth interviews were conducted to obtain information on lived experiences and recovery resources of this hard-to-reach and understudied population. The interviews focused on recovery and elements that indicated a sense of progress in life. Key themes were derived from the collected data. Descriptions of recovery resources followed recurrent themes, including clinical, functional, social, and personal resources. Participants also reported ambiguous experiences related to features of the judicial trajectory. This was defined as forensic recovery and can be seen as an additional mechanism, besides more established recovery dimensions, that is unique to mentally ill offenders.

Many people who think about suicide do not engage in suicidal behavior. Identifying risk factors implicated in the process of behavioral enaction is crucial for suicide prevention, particularly in high-risk groups such as prisoners. Method: Cross-sectional data were drawn from a nationally representative sample of 17,891 prisoners (79% men) in the United States. We compared prisoners who attempted suicide (attempters; n = 2,496) with those who thought about suicide but never made an attempt (ideators; n = 1,716) on a range of established risk factors. Results: More than half (59%) of participants who experienced suicidal ideation had also attempted suicide. Violent offending, trauma, brain injury, alcohol abuse, and certain mental disorders distinguished attempters from ideators. Conclusion: Our results fit within recent ideation-to-action theories that emphasize the role of a capability for suicide in the transition from thoughts to acts of suicide. Suicide is a global public health concern (Turecki et al., 2019) which disproportionally impacts on the most vulnerable members of society, including people exposed to the criminal justice system (Webb et al., 2011). Specifically, suicide is a leading cause of death in prisoners (Favril, Wittouck, Audenaert, & Vander Laenen, 2019), with rates at least three times higher than in age-equivalent peers outside prison (Fazel, Ramesh, & Hawton, 2017). Prisoners who die by suicide only represent the tip of the iceberg; many more consider or attempt suicide without a fatal outcome. Large-scale studies from Australia

The recent focus on extending risk assessment and treatment in forensic mental health with protective factors relates to the increasing interest in strengths-based approaches in various professional disciplines: law (e.g. human rights), criminology (e.g. desistance), mental health care (e.g. recovery), forensic psychology (e.g. the Good Lives Model), special needs education (e.g. Quality of Life) and family studies (e.g. family recovery). In this article, we will discuss the available knowledge with regard to strengths-based approaches for offenders with mental illness, in relation to these different disciplines. Several dilemmas are observed across these disciplines: (1) "Living apart together": the integration of different disciplines; (2) "Beyond Babylonian confusion and towards more theoretical research": conceptualization of strengths-based practices in different fields; (3) "No agency without autonomy": the individual in context; and (4) "Risks, strengths and capabilities": the search for an integrated paradigm. In our view, these different disciplines share a shift in how humankind is viewed, respecting agency in the interaction with people who have offended. Yet, differences apply to the objectives that the disciplines strive for, which warrants not to eclectically consider strengths-based working in each of the disciplines as 'being small variations of the same theme'.

Introduction -Taking care of a family member with a mental illness imposes burden on various aspects

Suicide is a common, preventable cause of death among prisoners in Belgium. The results underscore the timely need for national standards and guidelines for suicide prevention in Belgian prisons.

BackgroundAlcohol is associated with adverse health effects causing a considerable economic impact to society. A reliable estimate of this economic impact for Belgium is lacking. This is the aim of the study.MethodsA prevalence-based approach estimating the direct, indirect and intangible costs for the year 2012 was used. Attributional fractions for a series of health effects were derived from literature. The human capital approach was used to estimate indirect costs, while the concept of disability-adjusted life years was used to estimate intangible costs. Sensitivity and scenario analyses were conducted to assess the uncertainty around cost estimates and to evaluate the impact of alternative modelling assumptions.ResultsIn 2012, total alcohol-attributable direct costs were estimated at €906.1 million, of which the majority were due to hospitalization (€743.7 million, 82%). The indirect costs amounted to €642.6 million, of which 62% was caused by premature mortality. Alcohol was responsible for 157,500 disability-adjusted life years representing €6.3 billion intangible costs.ConclusionsDespite a number of limitations intrinsic to this kind of research, the study can be considered as the most comprehensive analysis thus far of the health-related social costs of alcohol in Belgium.

Migrants and ethnic minorities (MEM) are known to be disadvantaged concerning risk factors for problem substance use and resources to initiate and sustain recovery (i.e., recovery capital). Yet, the voices of MEM are largely overlooked in recovery literature. This study explores recovery capital through 34 semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of MEM in recovery in two ethnically diverse cities in Belgium. A Qualitative Content Analysis using recovery capital theory allowed us to identify various recovery resources on a personal, social, and community level. While physical and human recovery resources play a central role in participants’ narratives, personal recovery capital is closely intertwined with meaningful social networks (i.e., social recovery capital) and recovery-supportive environments that maximize opportunities for building culturally sensitive recovery capital (i.e., community recovery capital). Though MEM-specific elements such as culture, migration background, stigma, and structural inequalities play a significant role in the recovery resources of MEM, the largely “universal” nature of recovery capital became clear. The narratives disclose a distinction between “essential” and “acquired” recovery capital, as well as the duality of some recovery resources. The need for developing recovery-oriented systems of care that are culturally responsive, diminish structural inequalities, and facilitate building recovery capital that is sensitive to the needs of MEM is emphasized.