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Emerging research suggests that existing culture, including religious culture, serves to constrain and enable the rhetoric and claims of social actors in situations of conflict and change. Given that religious institutions continue to have significant authority in framing moral debates in the United States, we hypothesize that groups connected to each other through a religious tradition will share similar orientations towards the moral order, shaping the kinds of rhetoric they use and the kinds of claims they can make. To test this, we compare the official rhetoric of the 25 largest religious denominations on gay and lesbian issues, as well as their orientation towards the moral order more broadly, with the rhetoric of each denomination's respective movement for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender inclusion, affirmation, or rights. We use Kniss' heuristic map of the moral order to analyze and theorize about the patterns that emerge from these comparisons. Ultimately, we find that the existing rhetoric of the parent denomination on gay and lesbian issues, along with the broader moral stances they take, do appear to shape the rhetoric and ideologies of associated pro-LGBT organizations. This provides support for the notion that existing culture, belief, and rhetoric shape the trajectories of conflict and change.A growing body of literature examines how existing belief, culture, and rhetoric can serve both to enable and constrain religious groups and individuals as they construct discourses and identities, particularly during periods of change and conflict (

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This article examines the impact of Indian immigration on the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), popularly known as “Hare Krishnas.” After its emergence and initial growth as a new religious movement in the 1960s, ISKCON entered a period of decline and withdrawal in the 1980s because of second‐generation problems and a series of financial and sexual scandals. A case study of the Chicago ISKCON temple shows that, since then, Indian immigration has provided ISKCON with new resources and a new target population for conversion. This has led to the reemergence of ISKCON as a religious movement, but one that differs in both its membership and its actions from the “seeker” movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The resurgence of ISKCON's movement activities is a product of congregational‐level transnational interactions. The emergence of new religious movements, thus, must be seen in the context of broader historical dynamics as well as local microcosmic interactions. To the extent that these interactions are transnational in character, we should expect new religious movements to have an impact on the global “religious economy” with more rapid diffusion of religious innovations.