ABSTRACT. The creation of the Nunavut government has been accompanied by an emphasis on Inuit knowledge-Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ)-in the making of policy and in procedures affecting Nunavutmiut (Nunavummiut). Definitions of IQ parallel those of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), indigenous knowledge (IK), and traditional knowledge (TK). The extent to which cosmologies and belief systems are incorporated into definitions of these terms and the extent to which their use is narrowly focused on the management of biological resources are ongoing sources of concern. The language used to define and promote IQ often serves to move IQ away from its cosmological implications and define it as a tool useful for filling gaps in scientific knowledge. To appreciate a seamless definition of IQ, a better understanding of Inuit social and cultural history is necessary. An examination of this history depicts IQ as a form of resistant practice that can seriously challenge characteristic assumptions of Western science, such as the separation of humans from other forms of life. Inuit operating with a seamless definition of IQ are, however, confronted with contemporary social, economic, and political realities that challenge and may limit the use of IQ in the management and development of Nunavut.Key words: Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, culture, rights, Inuit social history, wildlife management, resistance, Nunavut government, Western science RÉSUMÉ. Dans le cadre de la formation du gouvernement du Nunavut, l'accent a notamment été mis sur les connaissances des Inuits (ou Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit -IQ) en matière d'établissement de politiques et de procédures touchant les Nunavutmiuts (Nunavummiuts). Les définitions de l'IQ sont parallèles aux définitions relatives aux connaissances écologiques traditionnelles (CÉT), aux connaissances indigènes (CI) et aux connaissances traditionnelles (CT). La mesure dans laquelle les cosmologies et les systèmes de croyances sont intégrés aux définitions de ces termes de même que la mesure dans laquelle leur utilisation est étroitement liée à la gestion des ressources biologiques sont constamment à la source de préoccupations. Souvent, les termes dont on se sert pour définir et promouvoir l'IQ ont pour effet d'éloigner l'IQ de ses incidences cosmologiques et de le définir comme outil utile pour combler les écarts en matière de connaissances scientifiques. Afin d'apprécier une définition continue de l'IQ, il faut mieux comprendre l'histoire sociale et culturelle des Inuits. L'examen de cette histoire illustre que l'IQ est une forme de pratique de résistance qui peut sérieusement contester les hypothèses caractéristiques de la science occidentale, telle que la séparation des humains d'autres formes de vie. Toutefois, les Inuits qui ont adopté une définition continue de l'IQ sont confrontés à des réalités contemporaines d'ordre social, économique et politique qui contestent et peuvent même restreindre l'utilisation de l'IQ dans la gestion et le développement du Nunavut.
Two problems are noted in the process of measuring material inequality and linking it to health across cultural boundaries. First, comparative measurements may be used as the basis for policy making, which ends up disciplining cultural minorities. In this way, policies intended to relieve disparities can actually have the effect of extending the power of the dominant group to define appropriate cultural understanding of the world for the minority group. Second, comparative measurements may inaccurately inform theories of how inequality works to influence health and well-being. To the extent that culture mediates the relationship between inequality and outcomes of interest to researchers, those ignoring cultural differences will fail to adequately assess the impact and significance of material inequality. In this paper we discuss and illustrate these problems with reference to the study and measurement of overcrowding and its effects on health and well-being for Inuit communities in Nunavut, Canada.
The Government of Nunavut inherited from the Government of the Northwest Territories a long-standing problem affecting nearly every Inuk in the newly minted territory. The housing crisis in the new territory has a long history, dating back to the mid-1950s when Inuit in Frobisher Bay (Iqaluit) were first provided with wood-frame housing. A rapidly growing population, low incomes, the subsequent need for social housing, the cost of providing housing in a demanding physical environment, and ideologically driven biases in relation to housing as a market commodity are all factors that help explain the crisis inherited by the new administration. Serious problems of suitability, adequacy, and affordability confronted the Nunavut Housing Corporation, which is also facing a decline to zero over the next 30 years in Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation’s contribution to the existing social housing inventory. By August 2000, 1,100 families in Nunavut were waiting for some form of housing assistance. The demand for housing was projected to be 260 homes per year over the next 5-year period. Sixty percent of Nunavummiut live in public housing, 98% of whom are Inuit. This essay examines the problems that have confronted the Nunavut Housing Corporation—a stand-alone corporation—and looks at program and policy initiatives undertaken to address the situation, as called for by the Bathurst Mandate, tabled in October 1999, and establishing principles, goals, and objectives for the new government and the Nunavut Housing Corporation.
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