To what extent can second language (L2) speakers acquire a syntactic representation for an L2 structure absent in the first language (L1)? Findings from L2 structural priming studies are in conflict inasmuch as evidence for and against continuity between L1 and L2 sentence production has been shown. Furthermore, previous investigations have not adequately controlled for well-known animacy effects on choice of syntactic frames. I address the conflict of views in the field via three experiments of structural priming with native, Chinese, and Turkish speakers of English by means of an oral sentence-recall production task. The structure tested, the English genitive alternation, is subject to animacy effects as in the waiter’s photo / the photo of the waiter. Chinese and Turkish have no equivalent to English of genitives nor animacy effects in their genitive structure. Experiment 1 showed priming within-L1 English and found evidence of an animacy effect, albeit only numerical. Likewise, Experiment 2 showed priming within-L2 English and found the L1 Chinese were similarly susceptible to animacy effects. Experiment 3 also showed clear within-L2 English priming in Turkish speakers but the effects of animacy differed from the other groups. I argue the similarities between the native and L2 groups to constitute grounds for a basic continuity in L1 to L2 production.
Purpose: This article proposes a new definition of cross-linguistic influence on anaphora resolution in situations of language contact appealing to the Position of Antecedent Strategy. Design: To this effect it examines existing evidence for and definitions of cross-linguistic influence across Spanish, Italian, Greek, and English, four languages research has concentrated on most intensively. Data and analysis: Methodological and theoretical issues are brought to the fore and the evidence of cross-linguistic influence re-evaluated in light of recent investigations of L1 processing of Spanish, Italian, and Greek anaphora. Findings/conclusions: The re-evaluation points to the conclusion that null pronouns are interpreted and processed in similar ways by native speakers, L2 speakers, and L1 attriters, even if speakers have contact with or are very proficient in languages such as English or Swedish where null anaphora is unavailable. Overt pronouns in Italian are more similar to Greek than Spanish and cross-linguistic influence affects only overt anaphora. Originality: If cross-linguistic influence is conceived in terms of the Position of Antecedent Strategy, then apparently contradictory cases such as the over-production of overt forms by Spanish speakers of Italian and the balanced co-reference of Spanish overt forms to topic and non-topic antecedents can be accounted for. Significance/implications: Cross-linguistic influence takes place from the language with less towards the language with more categorical biases. Recommendations for future research with the populations studied, data analysis and collection, and linguistic structures examined are made.
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