Taking our cue from an earlier study of East African Asians who 'onward-migrated' to the UK in the 1960s and 1970s, this paper looks at the more recent phenomenon of Bangladeshi immigrants in Italy who are onward-migrating to London. We seek to answer three questions. First, why does this migration occur? Second, how does the ethnic group we call 'Italian-Bangladeshis' narrate their working lives in London and to what extent do they feel 'at home' there? Third, what are the gaps between their expectations held before the move and the actual social and economic conditions they encounter in London? Empirical evidence comes from 40 in-depth interviews with Italian-Bangladeshis who have already onward-migrated or plan to. Most Italian-Bangladeshis move to London to escape socially limiting factory work in Italy, to invest in the educational future of their children, and to join the largest Bangladeshi community outside of their home country. In London, they describe feeling more 'at home' than in Italy, due to the size and multiple facilities of the Bangladeshi community, their lack of 'visibility' and of racialisation, and the greater sense of religious freedom. But their onward-migration experience has its more negative sides: the inability to access more than low-paid casual work in London's service economy, the cost of housing, and the difficulty of making social contacts beyond their ethnic community, especially with those they regard as 'natives', i.e. 'white' British.
We analyze the relation between naturalization, mobility, and security through 50 in-depth interviews with migrants of different origins living in two Italian regions. We show how migrants pursue naturalization both to protect themselves against bureaucracy and deportation and to move to a third country. The second migration is motivated by improving one's conditions, forced by the economic crisis, or completes the original migratory project once a strong passport is obtained. We argue that citizenship is not essentially linked to either stability or mobility and that mobility should be understood as neither exceptional nor always chosen.
This article investigates the link between the economic crisis and migrant family reunification with a focus on mobility strategies of reunited families. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Moroccan and Bangladeshi families, carried out in the Metropolitan City of Venice, between 2012 and 2016, the article aims to show the complex process of further separation that reunified families endure in order to deal with the consequences of the crisis. Family unity does not represent a definitive and lasting achievement. Rather, it is a status that must be constantly protected in order to fulfil the requirements imposed by reunification policies. Migrant families must undertake various forms of mobility to maintain their housing, occupational and economic standards and sometimes may move to other countries to preserve their unity. In response to the crisis, migrants appropriate the instruments of citizenship in order to increase their mobility capital and the opportunity to stay in Europe.
The 2008 economic crisis and the events following the Arab Spring in 2011, including the refugee flows of 2015, have had a huge impact on international migration in the EU and on integration processes (Fischer-Souan, 2019). Relations between member states and the meaning of European citizenship have been heavily affected, with implications for internal mobility and migratory movements (Basso, 2014; Bonifazi & Marini, 2014; Lafleur & Stanek, 2017). Mediterranean countries, which were particularly hit by a collapse of economic growth and very high youth unemployment, have returned to a previous status of "semi-peripheries" around core countries, such as Germany, France, the UK and Sweden and have once again become countries that export labour migrants (Toma
Referring to the case studies of two cities in Northern Italy, this article seeks to understand how Bangladeshi migrants use associations to seek transnational "ways of belonging" and "ways of being". It analyses how this transnational attachment to their home country has played an important role in building their own "community". The findings reveal that Bangladeshi migrant organizations work to maintain "transnational ways of belonging" by enabling migrants to retain their cultural roots; this is reflected in their observation of festivals, national days, and other practices and rituals. Although, as a relatively new migrant community, they do not share as many economic links through these associations as many other "diasporic" organizations, migrants widely express a sense that these economic connections are with their country of origin. However, there is competition within the community based on regional origin, as well as have many ambivalences and contradictions.
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