β-N-Oxalyl-l-α,β-diaminopropionic acid (β-ODAP) is a non-protein amino acid present in Lathyrus sativus (grass pea) and other Lathyrus species, in parallel with its nontoxic isomer, α-ODAP. When consuming grass pea for several months as staple food, β-ODAP may cause neurolathyrism, a motor neuron degeneration syndrome. Therefore, the independent quantification of both ODAP isomers instead of only the total amount in grass pea allows the identification of less toxic varieties and the development of tools to support breeding for improving grass pea quality. In this work, a simple and fast HPLC-MS/MS method was developed without sample derivatization, using a hydrophilic interaction chromatography (HILIC) column and an isocratic gradient of eluents for 18 min, which allowed the determination of both α- and β-ODAP. The proposed method was fully validated and applied to the determination of α- and β-ODAP contents in a diverse collection of 107 grass pea accessions representative of the main grass pea-growing geographical regions in the world, with the prompt identification of contrasting accessions. β-ODAP content in the analyzed grass pea samples ranged from 0.45 ± 0.02 to 6.04 ± 0.45 mg g−1. The moderate correlation found between α- and β-ODAP contents (0.65) in this collection reinforces the importance of the independent quantification of both ODAP isomers.
A living god from North Kerala, Muthappan attracts a wide range of Hindu believers, mostly due to his unconventionality and transgressiveness. But the large masses of followers, seeking individual blessings to satisfy their faith, induce deviations in the ritual sequence, especially to its length, which acts against the establishment of a liminal condition, the attainment of flow, and the achievement of communitas. In addition, the new devotees worship the teyyam at home according to models of Brahmanical temple ceremonies, thus jeopardizing the specificity—and anti-structural character—of the teyyam tradition. In both situations, faith, and an increased religious fervor, seem to act against the performance of the ritual.
Neste breve artigo defende-se que a dimensão ética, que é fundamental na metodologia proposta por Grotowski, resulta do extremar das mais simples regras de decoro profissional que são ensinadas nas escolas de teatro e postas em práticas pela maioria das companhias teatrais. Este aspecto é de extrema relevância, nas artes performativas como na sua pedagogia, quando considerada a dialéctica entre o “trabalho sobre si mesmo” e a alteridade. Aborda-se sucintamente o percurso artístico de Grotowski para defender uma dimensão ontológica da sua noção de Arte e demonstrar a coerência e linearidade do mesmo. Também concisamente, indicam-se as suas principais referências éticas e profissionais e como foram aplicadas na prática, realçando a importância conferida ao Outro. Termina-se argumentando em favor da ética como imperativo profissional e artístico no contexto grotowskiano, alicerçando-a no decoro profissional e na prática artística.
The ritual of the teyyams, in north Kerala, has been referred to as "art form," "folk art," "ritual art," and such, not only by tourist guides and leaflets, but also by academic works and, more and more, in the everyday speech of local communities. 1 In this article we intend to question the adequacy of such categorizations, in light of plausible definitions of art and folklore, and investigate the motivations for such classifications, considering the correlations of social and political power in post-colonial circumstances. We defend a need for an integrated, informed and careful address to the cult of the teyyams (like any other post-colonial reality) and argue that the post-colonial discourse, despite its advantages over colonial rhetoric, can still be improved upon. It can be improved upon by acknowledging, besides the obvious consequences of the colonialist cultural and political heritage, the traces of the local, more ancient or discrete influences, interlaced with the later colonial heritage, and can provide clues for understanding of the present in its complexity. The example of the teyyams is not a random choice but rather a specific example in which the history of the relations of power, which continues from pre-colonial times, is visible on the one hand in local political discussions, and on the other hand has been fully inscribed, as tension and transgression, into the ritual in a metaphorical way.
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