Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to discuss the determinants of the development of migration policy in Poland and the activities implemented so far in this field, to analyse the migration policies of selected European Union countries in terms of examining the similarities and differences in migration processes, and finally to indicate the possibility of using their experiences in the system of Polish migration policy that is being created. Design/Methodology/Approach: The main research methods include the desk research method, secondary data analysis as well as publications and expertise prepared in the field of migration policy, while comparative analysis constitutes a complementary research method. Findings: Poland has two options when it comes to regulating immigration. First, similarly to Germany, it may try to use mechanisms created within the European Union to attract qualified employees, including in particular the Blue Card and partnerships with third countries. Second, like in the Czech Republic, separate procedures for the influx of immigrants from specific countries can be created. Practical Implications: Poland should create mechanisms facilitating obtaining the status of long-term resident and ensuring the real socioeconomic and political integration of immigrants. Originality/Value: The conducted research allowed for the identification of factors influencing the situation on migration policies in Poland, Germany, and the Czech Republic.
This paper presents possibilities offered by the constructivist approach to analysing behaviours and attitudes of Eurosceptical MEPs towards the EU’s external actions. The analysis conducted in this paper shows that constructivism is very useful in explaining why Eurosceptics’ behaviour is often unusual in the field of European foreign policy. It also shows the evolution of Eurosceptic attitudes and identity. The inner organisation of the European Parliament is the main reason of this situation. The behaviour of small EP political groups is limited by the EP statute. It pushes Eurosceptical politicians to take part in debates within the EP framework, which has a significant influence on their identity. The final part of the paper shows the consequences of this process. The first of these are the “discursive nodal points” present in the Eurosceptical debates. The second is a “diplomatic republic of Europe” built between Eurosceptics in the EP. The third and final consequence is a “European public sphere” which emerges because Eurosceptics take part in EP debates.
W artykule zostało omówione podejście partii eurosceptycznych, których członkowie zasiadają w Parlamencie Europejskim VIII kadencji, do kwestii polityki zagranicznej, a także ich wizja miejsca Unii w nowym układzie międzynarodowym. Autor prezentuje elementy łączące te ugrupowania stosunek do USA, Rosji, NATO, imigracji oraz obszary, które według nich mogłyby nadal być realizowane w ramach ogólnoeuropejskiej współpracy polityka współpracy rozwojowej, polityka klimatyczna. Na koniec została zaprezentowana wizja „eurosceptycznej tożsamości europejskiej”, która może stanowić podstawę do szukania roli, którą mniej lub bardziej zjednoczona Europa mogłaby odgrywać w nowym ładzie międzynarodowym w przypadku wzrastającego poparcia społecznego dla ugrupowań eurosceptycznych.The role of the European Union in the international arena by the Eurosceptic parties: A new dimension of the community?A Eurosceptical attitude towards EU foreign affairs and an EU position in a new international order is presented in the paper. The author concentrates on Eurosceptic parties whose members are sitting in the European Parliament 8th term. Elements which are common for these politicians are described the attitude toward US, Russia, NATO and immigration. Activities which, in the opinion of the Eurosceptic MEP, could be conducted in the framework of the European cooperation are identified development assistance, environmental policy. At the end we are presented with a “Eurosceptical European identity”, which could be a basis for the international activity of the more or less integrated Europe.
This article explores the importance of geographical indications within the new trade policy of the European Union, using the example of the CETA and the dispute over Cypriot halloumi cheese. The authors point out that geographical indications occupy an important place within the European Commission’s negotiating strategy primarily because of their significance for the EU economy. In negotiations with third countries, such as Canada, a crucial problem is the different approaches to the protection of typical regional products. Therefore, the Union is trying to transfer its internal solutions to the international level. The detail of regulations, combined with the mixed nature of new trade agreements, makes trade policy vulnerable to blackmail by individual EU Member States. According to the authors, a reasonable solution to this problem – which was highlighted by Cyprus’s veto of the CETA – is to rely on the treaty provisions and the judgements of the Court of Justice of the EU. These indicate the exclusive competence of the EU in this area and impose an obligation on EU Member States to cooperate sincerely.
European Union Global Strategy: a Constructivist ReflectionThis paper examines the potential of a constructivist approach in analysing the European Union’s security strategy area. It focuses on the new EU Global Strategy (EUGS), which was adopted by the Council at the end of June 2016. First, the methodology is explained, followed by discussing the consequence of using the document’s language for EU identity. The paper then focuses on the new title of the strategy that shows a new approach to security strategies within the European External Action Service’s staff. The consequences of building a narrative about the “threatened” but also “needed” and “influential” European Union are underlined here. Furthermore, the new role of the EU in the international scene is described, focusing on the shift from the EU as a civilian power to the EU as a normal power, with an emphasis on the importance of the preservation of the EU as a normative power. The conclusions from using a constructivist approach to examine the EUGS are then presented, which show that mechanisms of the logics of appropriateness, consequence, and persuasion are observed within the document. Moreover, the language of the EUGS could have an influence on EU identity and role on the global stage. The constructivist approach proves that the EU external actions are continuously under construction, and the EUGS is the next step in achieving a more coherent and effective European foreign and security policy.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.