The Performance Monitoring and Accountability 2020 (PMA2020) project implemented a multi-country sub-project called PMA Agile, a system of continuous data collection for a probability sample of urban public and private health facilities and their clients that began November 2017 and concluded December 2019.  The objective was to monitor the supply, quality and consumption of family planning services.  In total, across 14 urban settings, nearly 2300 health facilities were surveyed three to six times in two years and a total sample of 48,610 female and male clients of childbearing age were interviewed in Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo, India, Kenya, Niger and Nigeria.  Consenting female clients with access to a cellphone were re-interviewed by telephone after four months; two rounds of the client exit, and follow-up interviews were conducted in nearly all settings.  This paper reports on the PMA Agile data system protocols, coverage and early experiences.  An online dashboard is publicly accessible, analyses of measured trends are underway, and the data are publicly available.

Background Women use various terms when discussing the management of their fertility and menstrual irregularities and may interpret the experience of ending a possible pregnancy in nuanced ways, especially when their pregnancy status is ambiguous. Our study aims to understand the terminology used to refer to abortion-like experiences (specifically menstrual regulation and pregnancy removal), and the specific scenarios that these practices encompass among women who reported doing something to bring back a late period or ending a pregnancy in Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire. Methods Our analysis draws upon surveys with women in Nigeria (n = 1114) and Cote d’Ivoire (n = 352). We also draw upon qualitative in-depth interviews with a subset of survey respondents in Anambra and Kaduna States in Nigeria, and Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire (n = 30 in both countries). We examine survey and interview questions that explored women’s knowledge of terminology pertaining to ending a pregnancy or bringing back a late period. Survey data were analyzed descriptively and weighted, and interview data were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis. Results We find that the majority (71% in Nigeria and 70% in Côte d’Ivoire) of women perceive menstrual regulation to be a distinct concept from pregnancy removal, yet there is considerable variability in whether specific scenarios are interpreted as referring to menstrual regulation or pregnancy removal. Menstrual regulation is generally considered to be more ambiguous and not dependent on pregnancy confirmation in comparison to pregnancy removal, which is consistently interpreted as voluntary termination of pregnancy. Conclusions Overall, menstrual regulation and pregnancy removal are seen as distinct experiences in both settings. These findings have relevance for researchers aiming to document abortion incidence and experiences, and practitioners seeking to address women’s reproductive health needs.

This study aims to estimate induced abortion incidence and safety in Burkina Faso using direct and indirect methods, overall and by women’s background characteristics. Data come from a nationally representative survey of reproductive aged women (n = 6,388). To address social desirability bias in abortion reporting, we asked about respondents’ closest female friends’ experience with abortion. The one-year abortion incidence in 2020 for respondents was 4.0 (95% CI 2.2–5.9) per 1,000 women aged 15–49 while the adjusted friend incidence was 22.9 (95% CI 15.8–30.0). Although not significant, abortion incidence was higher for adolescents, unmarried women, those with higher education, and those in urban areas among both respondents and their friends. Approximately nine out of ten abortions were unsafe (90% respondents, 95% friends), with respondent and friend findings suggesting higher risk of unsafe abortion among older women, less educated women, and women residing in rural areas. Despite recent increases in contraceptive use and continued legal restrictions, abortion remains common in Burkina Faso and is largely unsafe, with evidence of potential disparities.

Introduction : Cette recherche s’intéresse aux transformations sociales en Afrique francophone, en particulier à l’urbanisation et à la révolution des modes de communication, ainsi qu’à leur influence sur le mode de vie des jeunes adolescents, à Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) et Kinshasa (République Démocratique du Congo). L’objectif est d’examiner les opportunités, les défis et les risques liés aux transformations sociales ainsi que les perceptions qui s’y rattachent, selon le genre des adolescents. Méthode : Cette étude qualitative, réalisée en 2015, utilise des données collectées à l’aide des entretiens semi-directifs avec 64 adolescents de 10 à 14 ans et leurs parents/tuteurs à Ouagadougou et à Kinshasa. L’analyse a suivi un processus déductif et inductif pour identifier la façon dont les changements sociétaux ouvrent de nouvelles possibilités qui sont associées à des risques pour les adolescents, filles et garçons. Résultats : Selon les participants, l’adolescence s’accompagne de plus d’opportunités que par le passé. L’autonomisation/la liberté, l’accès à l’éducation formelle et l’accès à l’information s’accompagnent aussi de risques accrus qui sont différenciés selon le genre. Les filles sont exposées à une augmentation des risques sexuels, tandis que les garçons sont exposés aux violences et à la prise d’alcool. Conclusion : Nos résultats illustrent la manière dont les transformations sociétales en Afrique francophone affectent la socialisation au genre des jeunes adolescents. Les changements de mode de vie et les risques qui y sont associés appellent des programmes adaptés aux filles et aux garçons, en exploitant les nouveaux outils de la communication pour élargir leur accès à l’information.

BackgroundIn most African countries, indigents treated at public health centres are supposed to be exempted from user fees. In Africa, most of the available knowledge has to do with targeting processes in rural areas, and little is known about how to select the worst-off in an urban area. In rural communities of Burkina Faso, trials of participatory community-based selection of indigents have been effective. However, the process for selecting indigents in urban areas is not yet clear.MethodsThis study evaluates a community-funded participatory indigent selection process in both a formal (loti) and an informal (non-loti) neighbourhood in the urban setting of Burkina Faso’s capital. This was an exploratory study to evaluate the processes and effectiveness of participatory targeting. We conducted individual interviews (n = 26) and analyzed secondary qualitative data (eight focus groups, 16 individual interviews). We also used the results of a socioeconomic survey (carried out by the Ouaga HDSS in 2011) of all the households established in the areas, including those of selected indigents.ResultsThe coverage of indigent targeting was very low: 0.33% (loti) and 0.22% (non loti). In the non loti neighbourhood, the level of poverty among people selected was higher than the mean level of the poor who were not selected. Some indigents selected in the loti neighbourhood were not among the worst-off. The process was difficult to organize in the loti neighbourhood; people knew each other less well and were not very available, and there were cases of collusion. The process worked well in the non loti neighbourhood.ConclusionsThis intervention research provides new evidence about the feasibility of a community-based selection process in an urban setting in Africa by comparing two different urban settings. The participatory community-based selection process appeared to be suitable for the non loti neighbourhood, but other targeting strategies need to be found for loti areas. Specific budgets need to be allocated to increase the coverage of indigent targeting.

Social network‐based methods are increasingly used to estimate induced abortion incidence and investigate correlates. Approaches differ in the social tie definitions used to identify which social network members’ abortion experiences respondents will report. This study compares the effect of using the “best friend” (closest female friend) versus “confidante” (specifying mutual sharing of personal information) definition on abortion incidence estimation. We use data from a nationally representative survey of women aged 15–49 in Burkina Faso (conducted in 2020–2021) where respondents were randomized into two versions of an abortion module, using different friend definitions. We computed abortion rate estimates by friend definition and adjusted for assumption violations (transmission bias, surrogate sample selection bias). Unadjusted incidence rates varied from 11.7 [4.1–19.2] abortions per 1,000 women to 15.6 [9.7–21.4], depending on friend definition. The confidante definition yielded higher adjusted estimates (36.2 [25.1–47.2]) than the best friend definition (17.0 [8.7–25.3]) due to greater transmission bias adjustment. Both estimates exceeded the respondent self‐reported abortion incidence (4.0 [2.2–5.9]). Our results indicate that either friend definition produces higher incidence estimates than self‐report but suggest a potential advantage for the “best friend” over the “confidante” definition given lower transmission bias. Further research should assess generalizability of these findings in other contexts.

ObjectivesAmong nationally representative cross-sections of women in need of contraception from Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and Kenya, we aimed to: (1) examine the intersection of past-year physical/sexual intimate partner violence (IPV), emotional IPV and reproductive coercion (RC) and (2) assess the impact of physical/sexual IPV, emotional IPV and RC on women’s contraceptive use outcomes, including current contraceptive use, method type and covert use.DesignThe present analysis uses cross-sectional female data collected in Burkina Faso (December 2020–March 2021), Côte d'Ivoire (October–November 2021) and Kenya (November–December 2020).SettingsBurkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and KenyaParticipantsAnalytical samples were restricted to partnered women with contraceptive need who completed a violence module (Burkina Faso n=1863; Côte d'Ivoire n=1105; Kenya n=3390).Primary and secondary outcome measuresThe exposures of interest—past-year emotional IPV, physical/sexual IPV and RC—were assessed using abridged versions of the Revised Conflict and Tactics Scale-2 and Reproductive Coercion Scale, respectively. Outcomes of interest included current contraceptive use, contraceptive method type (female controlled vs male compliant), and covert contraceptive use, and used standard assessments.ResultsAcross sites, 6.4% (Côte d'Ivoire) to 7.8% (Kenya) of women in need of contraception experienced RC; approximately one-third to one-half of women experiencing RC reported no other violence forms (31.7% in Burkina Faso to 45.8% in Côte d'Ivoire), whereas physical/sexual IPV largely occurred with emotional IPV. In multivariable models, RC was consistently associated with covert use (Burkina Faso: aOR 2.84 (95% CI 1.21 to 6.64); Côte d'Ivoire: aOR 4.45 (95% CI 1.76 to 11.25); Kenya: aOR 5.77 (95% CI 3.51 to 9.46)). Some IPV in some settings was also associated with covert use (emotional IPV, Burkina Faso: aOR 2.99 (95% CI 1.56 to 5.74); physical/sexual, Kenya: aOR 2.35 (95% CI 1.33 to 4.17)).ConclusionsAcross settings, covert use is a critical strategy for women experiencing RC. Country policies must recognise RC as a unique form of violence with profound implications for women’s reproductive health.

Background Abortion is a legally restricted, yet common reproductive life event among women in Burkina Faso; however, women’s abortion experiences vary greatly depending on their social and economic capital, partner involvement, and level of knowledge. We sought to classify women’s abortion care-seeking experiences across the life course and social conditions into typologies using qualitative data. Methods An initial quantitative survey among a nationally representative sample of women ages 15–49 years collected information on women’s induced abortion experiences. Women who reported an abortion in the last 10 years were asked if they would agree to participate in a subsequent in-depth interview (IDI) to learn more about their abortion experience. Twenty-five women, identified via purposive sampling, completed an IDI. Using a process of typology construction, we identified attributes of each woman’s condition at the time of her abortion and aspects of her abortion experience, created a matrix of attributes and cases, and identified emerging relationships. Three types were identified through this process. Results Twenty-three IDIs were analyzed, and women’s abortion experiences were grouped into three types: abortion to delay childbearing in adolescence; abortion to space childbirth among women in union; abortion to avoid childbearing among single mothers. Two cases were identified as outliers. Cases were grouped based on the context of their pregnancy, the reason for the abortion and involved decision-makers, and their patterns of care-seeking, including methods and sources used. Conclusion Structural inequities related to gender and wealth were prominent forces shaping women’s abortion experiences. Comprehensive sexuality education coupled with community-based interventions to promote gender-equitable relationships and address social stigma related to women’s sexuality could reduce reproductive coercion and unintended pregnancies.