This article looks at the dynamics of Diaspora groups as a possible catalyst for peacebuilding within violent segmented societies. With the help of two case studies, IrishAmerica's role in Northern Ireland and Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora's role in Sri Lanka, it locates the variable impacts of Diaspora involvement in violent conflicts within their homelands. Despite their unique histories and individual complexity, both of these cases illustrate that Diasporas have a significant role to play in peace-building, are diverse rather than homogenous communities, and that they represent an important and often underutilized resource to bring negotiated settlement to violent conflicts.This article examines the dynamics of Diaspora communities as possible catalysts for peace-building within violently divided societies. Migration before, during, and in the aftermath of political conflict raises an important question for scholars and policymakers who seek to understand such regions and take action to manage or transform the political violence within them. To what extent do these Diaspora populations take an interest in the homeland and seek to influence the political process there by either fueling conflict or
This article examines the changing role of Irish-America in the Northern Ireland peace process and contends that it played a pivotal role in the Provisional IRA's announcement in July 2005 that it was ending its campaign of violence. It is argued here that the IRA decision to end its campaign was influenced considerably by three separate but interrelated factors: (1) the internationalization of Northern Ireland by successive US governments beyond the limits of domestic UK politics; (2) the evolution of the Irish-American political lobby in the 1990s, from outcome-driven objectives to process-driven and attainable goals; and (3) the current leadership of the Irish republican movement has orientated itself around the changing social fabric of Irish-America, which is smaller and less cohesive than in the past. More broadly, the article demonstrates the way in which the dynamics of internal conflict can be altered by external actors via the use of `soft power' strategies, in a manner that can assist the development of a peace process.
The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.
This article challenges the traditional assumptions prevalent within the two main communal blocs in Northern Ireland. I argue that the orthodox unionist and nationalist views of the external political environment are seriously flawed to the point that both camps have become oblivious to the shifting political universe which surrounds them. Unionist and nationalist analyses of political dynamics within both Britain and the Irish Republic are misconceived. The domination of a romantic historical inheritance over intellectual rationalism has led to assumptions within both unionism and nationalism, central to the general strategy of both ideologies, which do not withstand examination.
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