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Objective  To describe the implementation of facility‐based case reviews (medical audits) in a maternity unit and their effect on the staff involved. Design  Cross‐sectional descriptive study. Setting  A 26‐bed obstetric unit in a district hospital in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Sample  Sixteen audit sessions conducted between February 2004 and June 2005. Thirty‐five staff members were interviewed. Methods  An analysis of all the tools used in the management of the audit was performed: attendance lists, case summary cards and register of recommendations. The perceptions of the staff about the audits were collected through a questionnaire administrated by an external investigator from 10 June 2005 to 16 June 2005. Main outcome measures  Session participation, types of problems identified, recommendations proposed and implemented and staff reaction to the audits. Results  Only 7 midwives from a total of 15 regularly attended the sessions. Eighty‐two percent of the recommendations made during the audits have been implemented, but sometimes after a delay of several months. Interviewed personnel had a good understanding of the audit goals and viewed audit as a factor in changing their practice. However, midwives highlighted problems of bad interpersonal communication and lack of anonymity during the audit sessions, and pointed out the difficulty of practising self‐criticism. Conclusions  A lack of staff commitment and the resistance of maternity personnel to being evaluated by their peers or service users are reducing acceptance of routine audits. The World Health Organization must take all these factors into account when promoting the institutionalisation of medical audits in obstetrics.

Averting women's pregnancy-related death is today recognised as an international health and development priority. Maternal survival is, in this sense, a success story. There is, however, little research into what happens to the women who survive the severe obstetric complications that are the main causes of maternal mortality. This paper examines findings from repeated in-depth interviews with 64 women who survived a clinically defined 'near-miss.' These interviews were conducted as part of a prospective longitudinal study of women who 'nearly died' of pregnancy-related complications in Burkina Faso, a poor country in West Africa. Drawing on sociological and anthropological perspectives that consider the defining characteristics of 'loss' to be social as much as biomedical, the paper seeks to understand loss as disruption of familiar forms and patterns of life. Women's accounts of their lives in the year following the near-miss event show that such events are not only about blood loss, seizures or infections, but also about a household crisis for which all available resources were mobilised, with a train of physical, economic and social consequences. The paper argues that near-miss events are characterised by the near-loss of a woman's life, but also frequently by the loss of the baby and by further significant disruptions in three overlapping dimensions of women's lives. These include disruption of bodily integrity through injury, ongoing illness and loss of strength and stamina; disruption of the household economy through high expenditure, debts and loss of productive capacity; and disruption of social identity and social stability. Maternal health policy needs to be concerned not only with averting the loss of life, but also with preventing or ameliorating others losses set in motion by an obstetric crisis.

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Bacterial meningitis in the African meningitis belt remains 1 of the most serious threats to health. The perceptions regarding meningitis in local populations and the cost of illness for households are not well described. We conducted an anthropologic and economic study in Burkina Faso, in the heart of the meningitis belt. Respondents reported combining traditional and modern beliefs regarding disease etiology, which in turn influenced therapeutic care-seeking behavior. Households spent US $90 per meningitis case, or 34% of the annual gross domestic product per capita, and up to US $154 more when meningitis sequelae occurred. Much of this cost was attributable to direct medical expenses, which in theory are paid by the government. Preventive immunization against meningitis will overcome limitations imposed by traditional beliefs and contribute to poverty reduction goals.

BackgroundThis paper explores women’s experience and perception of cesarean birth in Burkina Faso and its social and economic implications within the household.MethodsFive focus groups comprising mothers or pregnant women were conducted among residents of Bogodogo Health District in Ouagadougou to assess the perceptions of cesarean section (CS) by women in the community. In addition, 35 individual semistructured interviews were held at the homes of women who had just undergone CS in the referral hospital, and were conducted by an anthropologist and a midwife.ResultsHome visits to women with CS identified common fears about the procedure, such as “once you have had a CS, you will always have to deliver by CS”. The central and recurring theme in the interviews was communication between patients and care providers, ie, women were often not informed of the imminence of CS in the delivery room. Information given by health care professionals was often either not explicit enough or not understood. The women received insufficient information about postoperative personal hygiene, diet, resumption of sexual activity, and contraception. Overall, analysis of the experiences of women who had undergone CS highlighted feelings of guilt in the aftermath of CS. Other concerns included the feeling of not being a “good mother” who can give birth normally, alongside concerns about needing a CS in future pregnancies, the high costs that this might incur for their households, general fatigue, and possible medical complications after surgery.ConclusionPoor quality of care and the economic burden of CS place women in a multifaceted situation of vulnerability within the family. CS has a medical, emotional, social, and economic impact on poor African women that cannot be ignored. Managers of maternal health programs need to understand women’s perceptions of CS so as to overcome existing barriers to this life-saving procedure.

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