Canadian Bill C-17 was implemented in 1991 to restrict the use of firearms, providing a chance to investigate the effect of firearm control laws in the use of firearms for suicide and homicide. Following Lester and Leenaars' comprehensive studies, the present study examined the use of firearms for suicide and homicide during the period prior to the bill and during the period after the passing of Bill C-17 to assess the association of the bill with rates of suicide and homicide by method. Analysis showed a significant decrease after passage of Bill C-17 in the rates of suicides and homicides involving firearms and the percentage of suicides using firearms. The analysis provides support for the position that restricting the availability of firearms as a lethal means of committing suicide and homicide may help reduce the numbers of suicides and homicides.
The seasonality of suicides in the USA increased from the 1970s to the 1990s. A significant proportion of suicide variation due to the seasonal component has been reported. Noted increments in seasonal rhythms in the latter part of the 1980s and 1990s seem to support those of Warren, et al. but contradict the conclusions of diminishing drawn by Hakko, et al., Rhimer, et al., and Yip, et al.
This study explores whether states adopting specific domestic violence laws have significantly lower rates of intimate partner and family homicide, as well as a lower average of the two homicide rates. Point biserial correlation and multiple regression were used to analyze homicide rates, as measures of domestic violence, across seven statutory categories of state domestic violence laws for 47 continental states in the United States. With two exceptions, data show that state laws on domestic violence were not related to intimate partner and family homicide rates by state, or the average of the two homicide rates. The exceptions were moderate, but significant inverse correlations were found between family homicide and the average of family homicide and intimate partner homicide rates and states prohibiting firearm possession during a restraining order. However, in three separate regression models, no more than 23% of the variance in homicide rates was explained.
A reliability check of Lester's (2000b) 1970-1995 time series that examined associations between the availability of firearms and their use for homicide and suicide in Canada. For the period 1974 to 1999, the relative availability of firearms as measured by the rate of accidental death from firearms and the average of the percentages of suicides + homicides using firearms was positively associated with the rate of homicide by firearms but not negatively associated with the rate of homicide by all other methods, and positively associated with the rate of suicide by firearms and negatively associated with the rate of suicide by all other methods. Correlations for the homicide versus murder rates, homicide rate using guns versus murder rate using guns, and homicide rate by all other methods versus murder rate by all other methods were very similar. There was a decrease over time of total suicide and homicide rates and firearm suicide and homicide rates, and with a slight indication of substitution of other methods for suicide.
Two field studies used 2400 “lost letters” to test the hypothesis that return rates would be greater from smaller rural communities (population Ms = 1729) than from a city (population M = 60,591), unless the addressee was affiliated with a socially or politically deviant group. Addresses' affiliations were significantly associated with different rates of return in both studies. In Study A, community size and addressees' affiliations were significantly associated with different rates of return in the city and smaller rural communities, rates generally being greater in the city even when the people in need of help were affiliated with the deviant “For Prostitution, or Female and Male Sex Workers.” Destinations were not associated with return rates in either study. In Study B, community size and addressees' affiliation were significantly associated with different rates of return in only smaller rural communities. Return rates were lower than those from the city except when the person was affiliated with the deviant “NORML or Legalized Prostitution” addressees.
From each of 15 health regions, potential years of life lost (PYLL) before age 75 for Status Indians is compared for select causes of death with all other residents. Mortality data from 1991 to 2001 for rates of PYLL (standardized to the 1991 population) are from tables of the British Columbia Vital Statistics Agency and First Nations and Inuit Health Branch in 2002. PYLL rate differences and rate ratios were compared for two groups with significance of the former indicated by the 95% confidence interval. Overall, the rates of PYLL for suicide, homicide, and deaths due to motor vehicle accidents were about 224%, 340%, and 248% higher among Status Indians than all other residents. Rates of PYLL for homicide and deaths from motor vehicle accidents among Status Indian women exceeded those of other residents who were men. For suicide, Status Indian men ranked first and all other male residents of British Columbia ranked second.
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