I do not see how colored women can be true to themselves unless they demand recognition for themselves and those they represent.

For African Americans, linked fate is the recognition that individual life chances are inextricably tied to the race as a whole. Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, the author empirically tested two competing hypotheses about the effect of gender identification on race identification as measured by linked fate. One hypothesis suggests that Black women who identify strongly with their gender will report a lower sense of race identification. The other suggests that Black women who identify strongly with their gender will report a higher sense of race identification. This research is important because it is the first to extend the application of the linked fate model used to measure race identification to the case in which gender matters. By so doing, this study demonstrates the importance of theorizing gender as opposed to simply adding the variable (gender) to a regression model and controlling for its effects statistically.

Objective. In this article, we investigate black feminist consciousness, its relationship to race consciousness, and its impact on policy attitudes. Unlike scholars and activists who argue that black feminist consciousness detracts from race consciousness, we argue that the two go hand in hand. Methods. Using confirmatory factor analysis, we examine public opinion survey data from the 1993 National Black Politics Study. Results. We find that both black women and men have fairly high levels of support for black feminist ideals. Also, we provide evidence that black feminist consciousness is positively related to the components of race consciousness and demonstrate the influence of black feminist consciousness on support for abortion rights. Conclusions. Our research is important because it uses a measure of black feminist consciousness true to its theoretical origins.Black feminist consciousness stems from the understanding that black women are discriminated against on the basis of both their race and gender. This recognition of the simultaneity of oppression faced by black women is not captured by the dominant conceptualization of group consciousness, which tends to focus on either race or gender consciousness (Gurin, 1985;Conover, 1988;Klein, 1984;Shingles, 1981). As a result, the empirical study of black feminist consciousness has been neglected. In contrast, there is a compelling body of theoretical literature on black feminist consciousness. Similarly, black academics, intellectuals, and activists have devoted significant energy to debating the relationship between black feminist consciousness and race consciousness, yet social scientists, for the most part,

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Using data from the 2008 American National Election Studies (ANES) time series, and the 2008 ANES panel wave, this study examines whether the intragroup emotions Hillary Clinton elicits—gender affinity and pride—are predictive of political engagement for the group she represents: women voters. We focus on voters who report having participated in the primaries and the range of potential voters who proselytize during the primary season and express an intention to vote in the general election. Contrary to the conclusion one might reasonably draw—that is, women rather than men would be more likely to support Clinton—the real question is: which women?