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PURPOSE We undertook a study to describe factors related to depression and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among pregnant Latinas who were or were not exposed to intimate partner violence. METHODSWe interviewed 210 pregnant Latinas attending prenatal clinics located in Los Angeles, California. Latinas who did and did not have histories of intimate partner violence were recruited. We then assessed the women for strengths, adverse social behavioral circumstances, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and depression. RESULTSSignifi cantly more women exposed to intimate partner violence scored at or above the cutoff point for depression than women who were not (41% vs 18.6%; P <.001). Signifi cantly more women exposed to intimate partner violence scored at or above the cutoff point for PTSD than women who were not (16% vs 7.6%; P <.001). Lack of mastery, which measures feelings of being in control of forces that affect life (odds ratio [OR], 0.72; 95% confi dence interval [CI], 0.62-0.84), a history of trauma not associated with intimate partner violence (OR, 1.33; 95% CI, 1.08-1.63), and exposure to intimate partner violence (OR, 2.43; 95% CI, 1.16-5.11) were associated with depression after adjusting for age, language of interview, and site effects. Stress (OR, 1.72; 95% CI, 1.34-2.2) and a history of trauma (OR, 1.45; 95% CI, 1.03-2.04) were independently associated with PTSD, whereas higher income was associated with decreased risk of PTSD (OR, 0.10; 95% CI, 0.02-0.63), after adjusting for age, language of interview, and site effects.CONCLUSIONS Intimate partner violence was signifi cantly associated with depression and PTSD but was associated with depression only after controlling for other factors in the multivariate model. The risk for depression declined with greater mastery but increased with a history of trauma or exposure to intimate partner violence. Stress, a history of trauma not associated with intimate partner violence, and lower income were all independently associated with increased risk for PTSD. INTRODUCTIONA pproximately 1.5 million women in the United States experience intimate partner violence every year. [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13] The prevalence among pregnant women is estimated at 5.2%.14 Thus, intimate partner violence is at least as common as gestational diabetes (2% to 3%) and approaches rates of preeclampsia (5.7% to 14.3%). 15 Moreover, 23% to 52% of women who experienced abuse during pregnancy were battered in the year before conception. 5,16,17 Women abused during pregnancy have 3 times the odds of attempted or completed homicide, 18 are more likely to have unplanned pregnancies and seek pregnancy care after 20 weeks, and are at greater risk for adverse birth outcomes 19 and maternal complications. [20][21][22][23] Intimate partner violence is also associated with such adverse health behaviors as smoking [24][25][26] and problem drinking. 26,27 The prevalence of intimate partner violence among Latinas in the United States during pregnancy and the perin...

Ethnic differences in the first occurrence of fertilityrelated events are assessed for non-Hispanic White and Mexican American female adolescents. A community-based sample of 1,023 females ages 13 to 19 years was interviewed in 1984-85; 874 (85.4 percent) were reinterviewed approximately two years later. Mexicoborn Mexican Americans have the lowest rate of early sexual intercourse, but the highest rate of early births because they are most likely to become pregnant if sexually active, and most likely to have a birth if pregnant. Non-Hispanic Whites have the highest rate of

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The sources of systematic sample attrition are examined for a community-based panel survey of 1,023 Mexican American and non-Hispanic white female adolescents, 874 (85.4%) of whom were reinterviewed after two years. There were few differences between Mexican Americans born in the United States and non-Hispanic whites, but Mexican Americans born in Mexico were distinctively different. The characteristics of the original interview shape the respondent's concurrent attitude toward repeating the experience but do not affect directly subsequent behavior. The results demonstrate that the validity of panel data may be problematic even when indicators of the survey content do not appear to be associated directly with loss to follow-up. Attrition exerted a greater impact upon the external than internal validity of the panel data.Longitudinal studies usually provide a more valid basis than crosssectional studies for interpreting observed associations within a causal framework. Sample attrition or loss to follow-up, however, constitutes a serious threat to the internal and external validity of panel studies (Sussman, 1964).

The perspectives of 32 Mexican-American and 17 White adolescent females are presented regarding: (a) their romantic and sexual relation ships; (b) sex education and birth control; and (c) reactions to their pregnancy and motherhood. Mexican-American adolescents indicated notably less sexual experience than their White counterparts with the father of the baby generally being their only sexual partner. The relation ship with the father of the baby most often continued for the Mexican American adolescents, but rarely for the White adolescents. Pregnancy was unanticipated by both groups, despite their failure to use contracep tive methods. Emic data are presented both in summary form and in the adolescents' own words.

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