Standard semantic theories predict that non-deictic readings for complex demonstratives should be much more widely available than they in fact are. If such readings are the result of a lexical ambiguity, as Kaplan (in: Almog, Perry, Wettstein (eds) Themes from Kaplan, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1977) and others suggest, we should expect them to be available wherever a definite description can be used. The same prediction follows from 'hidden argument' theories like the ones described by King (Complex Demonstratives: a Quantificational Account, MIT Press, Cambridge, 2001) and Elbourne (Situations and Individuals, MIT Press, Cambridge, 2005). Wolter (That's That; the Semantics and Pragmatics of Demonstrative Noun Phrases. Ph.D. thesis, University of California at Santa Cruz, 2006), however, has shown that complex demonstratives admit non-deictic interpretations only when a precise set of structural constrains are met. In this paper, I argue that Wolter's results, properly understood, upend the philosophical status quo. They fatally undermine the ambiguity theory and demand a fundamental rethinking of the hidden argument approach.
The normal and reverse short-channel effect of LDD MOSFET's with lateral channel-engineering (pocket or halo implant) has been investigated. An analytical model is developed which can predict V th as a function of L e ; VDS; VBS, and pocket parameters down to 0.1-m channel length. The new model shows that the V th roll-up component due to pocket implant has an exponential dependence on channel length and is determined roughly by (Np) 1=4 Lp. The validity of the model is verified by both experimental data and two-dimensional (2-D) numerical simulation. On the basis of the model, a methodology to optimize the minimum channel length Lmin is presented. The theoretical optimal pocket implant performance is to achieve an Lmin approximately 5560% that of a uniform-channel MOS-FET without pocket implant, which is a significant (over one technology generation) improvement. The process design window of pocket implant is analyzed. The design tradeoff between the improvement of short-channel immunity and the other device electrical performance is also discussed. I. INTRODUCTION T HE REDUCTION of threshold voltage with decreasing channel length and increasing drain voltage is widely used as an indicator of the short-channel effect in evaluating CMOS technologies. This adverse roll-off effect is perhaps the most daunting road block in future MOSFET design. The device minimum acceptable channel length, , is primarily determined by the roll-off. The roll-off can be reduced or even reversed, i.e., the increases with decreasing channel length, by locally raising the channel doping next to the drain or drain/source junctions. The socalled Reverse Short-Channel Effect (RSCE) was originally observed in MOSFET's due to oxidation-enhanced-diffusion [1] or implant-damage-enhanced diffusion [2] which are very difficult to control. In the past few years, the locally high doping concentration in the channel near source/drain junctions has been implemented via lateral channel engineering,
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Stojnić et al. (Philos Perspect 27(1):502-525, 2013; Linguist Philos 40(5):519-547, 2017) argue that the reference of demonstratives is fixed without any contribution from the extra-linguistic context. On their 'prominence/coherence' theory, the reference of a demonstrative expression depends only on its context-independent linguistic meaning.Here, we argue that Stojnić et al.'s striking claims can be maintained in only the thinnest technical sense. Instead of eliminating appeals to the extra-linguistic context, we show how the prominence/coherence theory merely suppresses them. Then we ask why one might be tempted to try and offer such a view. Since we are rather sympathetic to the motivations we find, we close by sketching a more plausible alternative.
I have two aims for the present paper, one narrow and one broad. The narrow aim is to show that a class of data originally described by Lynsey Wolter (That’s that; the semantics and pragmatics of demonstrative noun phrases, PhD thesis, University of California at Santa Cruz, 2006) empirically undermine the leading treatments of complex demonstratives that have been described in the literature. The broader aim of the paper is to show that Wolter demonstratives, as I will call the constructions I focus on, are a threat not just to existing treatments, but to any possible theory that retains the uncontroversial assumptions that relative clauses always form a constituent with the nouns they modify, and that semantic composition proceeds sequentially and locally, with the inputs to interpretation having the structure syntax tells us they do.
Recently, philosophers have o ered compelling reasons to think that demonstratives are best represented as variables, sensitive not to the context of u erance, but to a variable assignment. Variablists typically explain familiar intuitions about demonstratives-intuitions that suggest that what is said by way of a demonstrative sentence varies systematically over contexts-by claiming that contexts initialize a particular assignment of values to variables. I argue that we do not need to link context and the assignment parameter in this way, and that we would do be er not to.
The twenty-first century will witness an unprecedented decline in the diversity of the world’s languages. While most philosophers will likely agree that this decline is lamentable, the question of what exactly is lost with a language has not been systematically explored in the philosophical literature. In this paper, I address this lacuna by arguing that language loss constitutes a problematic form of illocutionary silencing. When a language disappears, past and present speakers lose the ability to realize a range of speech acts that can only be realized in that language. With that ability, speakers lose something in which they have a fundamental interest: their standing as fully empowered members of a linguistic community.
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