En la reseña con entrevista a la profesora Cristina Flesher Fominaya, sobre su libro Democracy Reloaded: Inside Spain’s Political Laboratory from 15-M to Podemos (2020 Oxford University Press) se repasa el ciclo de movilización vivido durante la última década en nuestro país con el movimiento indignado como laboratorio de experimentación. Se analiza el complejo contexto de crisis populista, los repertorios y aprendizajes activistas y ciudadanos del 15M y su influencia en las importantes transformaciones en el sistema político partidario. Se atiende la importancia de los procesos participativos desarrollados por los movimientos sociales, las nuevas subjetividades colectivas generadas como productores culturales y las complejas relaciones que mantienen con partidos y medios de comunicación como actores también protagonistas de los procesos de democratización
This article focused on the evolution of Spanish conservative doctrine in the early years of democracy in Spain. By analyzing the concepts of 'state' and 'community' in the thought of Manuel Fraga, the Minister of Information and Tourism under the Franco dictatorship and leader of the Spanish right during the 1980s, this article sought to explore: the manner in which the conservatives sought to "democratize" their doctrine to adapt themselves to the new party system and the importance of this conceptual reshaping in establishing the roots of conservative Spanish nationalism.Genealogy 2020, 4, 22 2 of 15 and 'community' in his published work between 1978-1982. Finally, we offered some conclusions about how this reshaping helped ensure the survival of the conservative right under Spanish democracy. The Reorganization of the Democratic Right in the Consolidation of DemocracyWith the ratification of the constitution on 6 December 1978, democracy began its consolidation process with the first legislative elections in March 1979. Parties then polarized on the political spectrum, but all were united in accepting 'the transitional democratic outcome'. Scholars like Gunther have pointed out that Spanish democratic consolidation was the product of a profound transformation of Spanish political elites from disunity to political unity (Gunther 1992, p. 40) in defense of the nascent democracy. This agreement regarding the defense of the new regime allowed the main parties to operate with a high level of consensus within the political system, to ensure the consolidation of democracy. During this process, parties coexisted with peripherical actors who rejected the democratic consensus or were excluded from it, either through a "democratic surplus" (Andrade 2012) outside the hegemonic left agenda, or by the survival of an "authoritarian surplus" on the far right who did not accept the legitimacy of the new constitutional order (Gallego 2006(Gallego , 2008. These 'unsettling factors' potentially included political violence, terrorism, and the threat of military intervention. In this context, conservatives divided between sectors and individual intellectual figures. On the one hand, those who supported the opening of the dictatorship were grouped under the AP, and on the other, there were Christian-democrats who predominantly comprised the center-right of the UCD. As argued by Gunther et al. (1988), in 1979, the AP shifted to a more conservative stance due to their leaders' ideological origins, and the pressure exercised by the UCD to occupy the political center.However, beyond the parties' varying electoral strategies, the circulation of ideas on the reconstruction of conservatism took place in different spaces, such as political magazines; in newspapers like ABC or Pueblo; and debate forums, such as club Siglo XXI, in which were addressed issues related to the state's territorial organization, the 'problem' of Basque and Catalan nationalism, the defense of the nation, public order, and the country's economic restructuring. Once...
su emergencia y capacidad de intervención en una compleja coyuntura histórica, a través de los procesos de participación y representación promovidos por la nueva formación política. PALABRAS CLAVECartografías, culturas radicales, culturas participativas, biografías, contrahegemonía, tecnopolítica. ABSTRACTIn this text, we introduce the structure and logic of the monograph, which consists of five dialogues with activists of Podemos («Karpeta» section) and nine commentaries in the form of debate («A des/propósito» section) on the subject of this phenomenon realized by social researchers and media professionals. In the dialogues at the beginning of this issue of
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