Scholars have proposed 2 separable dimensions of racial colorblind ideology: the first is centered on "not seeing color" (i.e., color evasion), and the second is centered on denying racism (i.e., power evasion). Yet, to date, there is no psychometric evidence for this distinction. In this article, we aim to fill this gap by establishing the presence of and characterizing differences between these 2 dimensions using both variable-centered and person-centered approaches. Study 1A (n ϭ 707) provides exploratory factor analytic evidence supporting the separability of power and color evasion. Study 1B (n ϭ 710) provides confirmatory evidence of this factor structure and evidence of discriminant validity. In Study 1B, 3 latent profiles based on power and color evasion were identified: acknowledgers (low color evasion, low power evasion), evaders (high color evasion, average power evasion), and deniers (average color evasion, average power evasion), which differed on relevant variables (e.g., modern racism, support for affirmative-action). In Study 2 (n ϭ 546), these profiles were replicated and extended by examining differences in attitudes and desire to engage in campus diversity activities. Implications for racial colorblind ideology theory and practical applications are discussed. Public Significance StatementThis study advances the idea that racial colorblindness has at least 2 separate dimensions: denying racism (i.e., power evasion) and avoiding race (i.e., color evasion). This highlights the need for researchers and practitioners to consider this distinction in theory, research, and practice to advance scholarship and action related to colorblindness.

No abstract

Highlights Opposition to sexual and gender minority (SGM) rights persists in the United States. Christian conservatism and political conservatism are linked to opposition to SGM rights. In this study, support for Christian hegemony helped to explain this link. Our results suggest that a system of Christian power and privilege is a barrier to SGM rights.

Religious congregations are social settings where people gather together in community to pursue the sacred (Pargament, 2008). Such settings are important to understand as they provide a context for individuals to develop relationships, share ideas and resources, and connect individuals to larger society (Todd, 2017a). Yet, research to date has not deeply examined the inherently relational nature of religious congregations. Thus, in this study, we used social settings theory (Seidman, 2012; Tseng & Seidman, 2007) to develop and test hypotheses about relationships within one Christian religious congregation. In particular, we used social network analysis to test hypotheses about relational activity, popularity, and homophily for friendship and spiritual support types of relational links. Our findings demonstrate how relational patterns may be linked to participation in congregational activities, occupying a leadership role, a sense of community and spiritual satisfaction, stratification, socialization, and spiritual support. Overall, this advances theory and research on the relational aspects of religious congregations, and more broadly to the literature on social settings. Limitations, directions for future research, and implications for theory and religious congregations also are discussed.

Black Americans living in urban environments are disproportionately impacted by posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Both racial discrimination and neighborhood poverty are factors that contribute to this health disparity. However, studies focused on the intersection of these two oppressive systems on PTSD symptoms are lacking. To address this gap in the literature, we assessed the interactive effects of racial discrimination and neighborhood poverty on PTSD symptoms in an urban sample of trauma-exposed Black women (N = 300). Simple moderation analysis was used to assess the main and interactive effects of racial discrimination and neighborhood poverty on PTSD symptoms. The overall model significantly predicted PTSD symptoms, with a main effect of racial discrimination (B = 1.87, p = .009) and neighborhood poverty rate (B = 0.29, p = .008), independent of prior trauma exposure and percentage of Black residents in the zip code. More frequent experiences of racial discrimination and higher rates of neighborhood poverty both predicted higher PTSD symptoms. There was also a trending interaction of racial discrimination and neighborhood poverty (B = −0.05, p = .054), where the effect of neighborhood poverty on PTSD symptoms was only present for those who reported fewer experiences of racial discrimination. Our results suggest that people who have experienced more instances of racial discrimination show high levels of PTSD symptoms regardless of neighborhood poverty rates and highlight the importance of considering multiple levels of oppression that Black individuals face while diagnosing and treating stress-related psychopathology.