El miedo al delito es un tema que ha venido acaparando la atención de las ciencias sociales desde los años setenta, sobre todo en países como Estados Unidos y en Gran Bretaña, que pueden considerarse como la cuna de este campo de investigación. Sin embargo, el interés sobre este tema se ha ido contagiando hacia otros territorios como España, donde si bien no existe la tradición de los países anglosajones, hay un bagaje cada vez más extenso de investigaciones al respecto.

Word count: 9,987 (including title, abstract, keywords, references and footnotes) Revise and resubmit: British Journal of Criminology 2 Functional Fear and Public Insecurities about Crime AbstractFear of crime is widely seen as an unqualified social ill, yet might some level of emotional response comprise a natural defence against crime? This paper differentiates between a dysfunctional worry that erodes quality of life and a functional worry that motivates vigilance and routine precaution. A London-based survey shows that one-quarter of those individuals who said they were worried about crime also viewed their worry as something akin to a problem-solving activity: they took precautions; these precautions that made them feel safer; and neither the precautions nor the worries reduced the quality of their lives. Fear of crime can be helpful as well as harmful: some people are both able and willing to convert their concerns into constructive action. [120 words] Key words: Fear of crime; emotion; resilience; neighbourhood disorder 3 'In line with the political interests responsible for the emergence of fear of crime as a major research issue in the 1970s and early 1980s, fear has been treated, almost invariably, in criminological research as an extremely negative aspect of people's lives, as something that adversely affects and greatly diminishes the quality of life. Hardly any attention was given to the positive aspects and positive consequences of fear. There has hardly been any talk about fear as a healthy emotion, as a necessary mechanism of survival, of self-preservation, of avoiding risk and minimizing danger… And yet, if it is true that fear and caution go hand in hand, if prudence is the response to fear, and if it is true that fear leads to lower victimization, then fear might be a positive mobilizing force that could be harnessed to achieve utilitarian goals.' (Fattah, 1993: 66) This analysis was telling some fifteen years ago, and it remains so to this day. Surveys in countries across the world regularly find widespread public anxieties over the threat of crime (Ferraro, 1995;Van Kesteren et al., 2000). Fear of crime might only shadow the actual incidence of crime, but it certainly seems to damage psychological well-being, decrease collective trust and cohesion, and tempt politicians towards populist rhetoric and punitive policy (Skogan, 1986;Hale, 1996;Warr, 2000; Dolan and Peasgood, 2007;Stafford et al., 2007;Jackson and Stafford, 2009). Such is the extent of the problem that governments in a number of different countries seek to reduce fear of crime -presumably wherever it is to be found.Yet might some level of worry about crime be a 'good thing' (Fattah, 1993;Hale, 1996;Warr, 2000; Ditton and Innes, 2005)? For Solomon (2006: 29):'Without fear, we would allow ourselves to be vulnerable to all sorts of dangers, and we would recklessly face lethal situations without hesitation and without a thought of the possible disastrous consequences. ' For Sacco (2005: 138): 'The opposite of fearfulness may...

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This document is the author's final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it.

To what extent are new generations 'Thatcherite'? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985-2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher's Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour -Blair's Babiesshares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.

The findings extend previous research highlighting the benefits of social identity on teammate behavior and team performance and demonstrate how social identity may contribute to PYD through sport.

This article makes the case that feedback processes in democratic politics-between crime rates, public opinion, and public policy-can account for the growth of penal populism in Britain. It argues that the public recognize and respond to rising (and falling) levels of crime, and that in turn public support for being tough on crime is translated into patterns of imprisonment. This contributes to debates over the crimeopinion-policy connection, unpacking the dynamic processes by which these relationships unfold at the aggregate level. This uses the most extensive data set ever assembled on aggregate opinion on crime in Britain to construct a new over-time measure of punitive attitudes. The analysis first tests the thermostatic responsiveness of punitive attitudes to changes in recorded crime rates as well as self-reported victimization, and then examines the degree to which changes in mass opinion impact on criminal justice policy.

ObjectivesTo examine policymakers and providers' views on pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) and their willingness to support its introduction, to inform policy and practice in this emerging field.DesignSemistructured qualitative interview study.SettingPeru, Ukraine, India, Kenya, Uganda, Botswana and South Africa.Participants35 policymakers, 35 healthcare workers and 21 non-governmental organisation representatives involved in HIV prevention.ResultsSix themes emerged from the data: (1) perceived HIV prevention landscape: prevention initiatives needed to be improved and expanded; (2) PrEP awareness: 50 of 91 participants had heard of PrEP; (3) benefits of PrEP: one component of the combination prevention arsenal that could help prioritise HIV prevention, empower key populations and result in economic gains; (4) challenges of PrEP: regimen complexity, cost and cost-effectiveness, risk compensation, efficacy and effectiveness, stigmatisation and criminalisation, information and training and healthcare system capacity; (5) programmatic considerations: user eligibility, communication strategy, cost, distribution, medication and HIV testing compliance and (6) early versus late implementation: participants were divided as to whether they would support an early introduction of PrEP in their country or would prefer to wait until it has been successfully implemented in other countries, with around half of those we spoke to supporting each option. Very few said they would not support PrEP at all.ConclusionsDespite the multiple challenges identified, there was general willingness to support the introduction of PrEP. Yet, strengthening existing HIV prevention efforts was also deemed necessary. Our results suggest that an effective PrEP programme would be delivered in healthcare facilities and involve non-governmental organisations and the community and consider the needs of mobile populations. Comprehensive information packages and training for users and providers would be critical. The cost of PrEP would be affordable and possibly segmented. Extensive counselling and innovative monitoring measures ought to be considered.